Showing posts with label Amicus Curiae Briefs. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Amicus Curiae Briefs. Show all posts

Saturday, April 10, 2021

Amicus briefs in support of Ericsson against Samsung by Sen. Tillis, former Fed. Cir. CJ Michel, former USPTO Director Iancu, InterDigital, NYIPLA, and 13 professors

After former NIST Director Dr. Copan (whose amicus brief I criticized harshly), some other "friends of the court" have made filings in support of Ericsson against Samsung. Other than noting that there are multiple references in those filings to Munich antisuit case law, I don't intend to comment right now and will just publish those documents below.

Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.), former Federal Circuit Chief Judge Paul Michel, and former USPTO Director (now again a partner at Irell & Manella) Andrei Iancu:

21-04-09 Tillis Michel Ianc... by Florian Mueller

Professors Jonathan Barnett, Daniel R. Cahoy, Ronald A. Cass, James Gerard Conley, Richard A. Epstein, Alexander Galetovic, Stephen Haber, Bowman Heiden, Adam J. MacLeod, Adam Mossoff, Lateef Mtima, David Orozco, and Kristen Osenga:

21-04-09 Professors' Am... by Florian Mueller

New York Intellectual Property Law Association (NYIPLA):

21-04-09 NYIPLA Amicus Brief by Florian Mueller

Patent licensing firm InterDigital:

21-04-09 InterDigital Amicu... by Florian Mueller

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Friday, April 9, 2021

Trump's standards czar makes unbelievably stupid statements in amicus brief supporting Ericsson against Samsung's Federal Circuit appeal of anti-antisuit injunction

Be warned that further below you're going to read about a couple of insults to human intelligence.

One week after Ericsson responded to Samsung's Federal Circuit appeal of an anti-antisuit injunction from the Eastern District of Texas, a former Trump Administration official was the first of what may be a long list of amici curiae ("friends of the court") supporting the Swedish failed handset maker against the Korean electronics giant (this post continues below the document):

21-04-09 Amicus Brief Walte... by Florian Mueller

Under President Trump, Dr. Copan was Under Secretary of Commerce for Standards and Technology, which means he also served as Director of the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST). NIST joined the DOJ's Antitrust Division under Assistant Attorney General Makan Delrahim and the USPTO under Andrei Iancu (who has, as I predicted, returned to the L.A. patent litigation firm of Irell & Manella, which typically represents NPEs) in replacing a really good and balanced policy statement on standard-essential patent (SEP) enforcement with pro-patentee crap.

While I disagreed with that policy paper, it was undoubtedly well-thought-out in its way. That's more than the authors of Dr. Copan's amicus brief in support of Ericsson can say. That amicus brief contains at least two statements that are--no kidding--among the absolutely most stupid things I've ever read in the SEP context.

The word "provincial" occurs four times in the Copan brief, in each case as a derogatory attribute to the Wuhan Intermediate People's Courtin China that granted Samsung an antisuit injunction against Ericsson in December:

  • "appellant Samsung’s anti-suit injunction ('ASI') from a provincial Chinese court" (emphasis added)

  • "to allow a provincial Chinese court to unilaterally determine a global FRAND rate" (emphasis added)

  • "Samsung unilaterally sought to use a Chinese provincial court" (emphasis added)

  • "Samsung’s request that a provincial Chinese court determine a global FRAND rate" (emphasis added)

Theoretically, the word "provincial" could be meant non-judgmentally in terms of "relating to a province." However, intermediate people's courts are generally not run by the provinces of China, but (according to Wikipedia) "found at the level of prefectures, autonomous prefectures, and municipalities across China." Wikipedia lists the relevant court as the "Wuhan City Intermediate People's Court" (emphasis added). The English translation of the name of Chinese courtss at the level of the provinces is "high people's court" (see Wikipedia).

Therefore, the adjective "provincial" must be understood in a derogatory sense. Now, I wouldn't necessarily blame someone who would argue in a U.S. technology industry dispute that a state court in a small and thinly-populated state might be "provincial" by comparison to, say, the United States District Court for the Northern District of California.

But for someone supporting Ericsson against Samsung, it's utterly stupid to call the Wuhan court "provincial":

  • Wuhan is the most populous city in Central China with a population of well over 11 million, and one of the ten largest Chinese cities.

  • Ericsson obtained the injunction at issue in the thinly-populated Eastern District of Texas, or more specifically, from Judge Gilstrap in Marshall, TX, a "city" with a population of only about 20,000--and even if you throw in the surroundings (Harrison County), that's just about 65K people. The other "cities" in which you find federal courthouses in that district are Beaumont (population size: 120K), Lufkin (35K), Sherman (42K), Texarkana (35K), and Tyler (105K; that's the federal judiciary district's HQ). The entire district has only 3.5 million inhabitants according to the DOJ.

There's absolutely no factual basis for calling the Wuhan court "provincial" in what is essentially a venue fight in which the alternative favored by Ericsson is Marshall, TX.

Let me show you a second absurdity:

"Companies in that chain 'invested $1.8 trillion in infrastructure and R&D from 2009 through 2013, relying almost exclusively on private-sector funding.' Id. Those investments are reportedly protected by more than 150,000 declared SEPs." (emphases added)

If patents can protect anything in that context, it's R&D. But infrastructure investments are not protected by patents in any way--in fact, patents can be enforced against infrastructure, so they represent a threat: a sword, not a shield.

I didn't plan to discuss the details of those amicus briefs before I would have had the opportunity to read them all, and to reflect. But this stuff is so crazy I wanted to comment on it immediately.

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Saturday, March 21, 2020

YOUR TAX DOLLARS AT WORK: Justice Dept. defends foreign-owned patent trolls against Apple and Intel

Apple and Intel--two American high-tech icons--are suing Softbank-owned Fortress Investment on antitrust grounds in the Northern District of California. Their complaint admittedly raises legal questions of first impression. Fortress brought a motion to dismiss the complaint just on the basis of the legal theories it is based upon. Apple and Intel obviously oppose that motion.

Over the last couple of days, various parties filed amicus curiae briefs with the court. Apple and Intel are notably supported by

But Fortress has an ally that you wouldn't expect to back a foreign-owned patent troll group trying to extract money from some of America's greatest tech companies (having filed dozens of lawsuits against the likes of Apple, Google, and by extension, Intel): the United States Department of Justice, claiming to speak on behalf of the United States (i.e., the federal government).

Makan "Macomm" Delrahim, a former Qualcomm lawyer and now the Assistant Attorney General heading the DOJ's Antitrust Division, stops at nothing in his tireless efforts to help patent holders maximize their returns at the expense of the wider economy and actual innovation (this post continues below the document):

20-03-20 Statement of Inter... by Florian Mueller on Scribd

Mr. Delrahim and his subordinates' submission supports Fortress with respect to the claims brought by Apple and Intel under federal antitrust law. The fact that Fortress is Japanese-owned doesn't mean that the DOJ couldn't have good reasons for supporting them: it's about fundamental legal questions that also affect American patent holders. The real issue here is that even if Fortress were American-owned, it would simply be irreconcilable with the America First philosophy to back hyperagressive patent trolls (who sometimes bring dozens of lawsuits against just one defendant such as Apple or Google).

It's shocking, and I wanted to share the news. In a future post I may go into detail on the motion to dismiss (possibly after Fortress's reply brief). The case is still on my watchlist.

The ongoing coronavirus crisis--in which Fortress was about to prevent essential research, but then backtracked under public pressure, while Apple offered a major contribution--is not going to go away anytime soon. Short of a vaccine or effective and reliable cure, many restrictions will remain in force for some time, and many people's lives won't return to normal. The damage that virus is causing to the global economy is beyond belief. Governments around the world will soon face an ecomomic policy challenge of unprecedented proportions. For a swift recovery, it's advisable to support product-making and service-providing companies (like Apple, Intel, and Google) against patent trolls like Fortress and its numerous shell companies who just siphon off money from those who create many jobs. The real economy needs to highlight that simple fact to President Trump and his closest advisers. Enough is enough.

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Tuesday, December 3, 2019

Car makers don't want to pay the likes of Qualcomm wireless patent royalties on leather seats: FTC v. Qualcomm amicus briefs

Earlier this year it became known that Qualcomm used to charge (and maybe still does, depending on the terms of the recent settlement) Apple a 5% wireless patent royalty on iPhone repairs. That's bad enough, but imagine what would happen if all of us had to indirectly pay wireless patent royalties on vehicle repairs? Or on leather seats? The latter is an issue that two automotive industry bodies have raised in a filing with the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit.

For a list of previous posts on amicus curiae briefs in FTC v. Qualcomm, and on the order scheduling the oral hearing for February 13, 2020, let me refer you to this post. I will now, finally, comment on the remaining two amicus briefs supporting the FTC.

The Association of Global Automakers (AGA) and the Alliance of Automobile Manufacturers (AAM) made a joint filing (this post continues below the document):

19-11-29 AGA and AAM (Autom... by Florian Mueller on Scribd

What lends their support of the FTC particular significance is that the AMA's members include Ford and Fiat-Chrysler. Ford and Chrysler are American industrial icons.

That brief stresses the importance of patent exhaustion, which is so key to the automotive industry's longstanding modus operandi. And here's my preferred passage:

"If the Court ratifies Qualcomm's behavior, then Qualcomm and its peers could demand a cut of the profits attributable to even a car's leather seats." (emphasis in original)

That just perfectly illustrates the importance of the royalty base.

What makes the refusal to extend exhaustive FRAND licenses to component makers even harder to justify in the automotive industry is that the telematics control units (TCUs) sold by Tier 1 suppliers (the ones that directly sell to the car makers) come with pretty much the same functionality as a phone, apart from the screen.

Two Tier 1 suppliers--Continental Automotive Systems (whose FRAND/antitrust lawsuit against Nokia this blog has been following for several months) and Japan's DENSO--also filed a joint amicus curiae brief (this post continues below the document):

19-11-29 Continental and De... by Florian Mueller on Scribd

The automotive suppliers' lead counsel in this matter is Orrick, Herrington & Sutcliffe's Jay Jurata, who also spoke at my recent component-level licensing conference in Brussels. At the time--and even until I downloaded the above document--I had no idea he was going to make a filing in FTC v. Qualcomm.

What I finally learned from the brief is how Continental Automotive Systems, the Michigan-based U.S. entity suing Nokia in the Northern District of California, relates to Continental AG, the German group parent:

"Continental Automotive Systems, Inc. is wholly owned by Continental Automotive, Inc. Continental Automotive, Inc. is wholly-owned by Continental Automotive Holding Netherlands B.V., which is wholly-owned by CGH Holding B.V., which is wholly-owned by CAS-One Holdinggesellschaft mbH, which is wholly-owned by Continental Caoutchouc-Export-GmbH, which is owned 51% by Continental Automotive GmbH and 49% by Continental A.G."

Complicated. Possibly even more tiers than an automotive supply chain. They probably need a navigation system to find their way around in that widespread network of subsidiaries.

The most interesting business information that the brief reveals is this:

"[...] Continental has forgone working with both MediaTek and Samsung—upstream manufacturers whose chipsets would allow Continental to upgrade its products to provide consumers with both superior prices and technical capabilities—because their chips come without licenses to SEPs that they practice."

There's already plenty of industry testimony in the evidentiary record of this case that proves this problem. What the Continental-Denso amicus brief adds, however, is an example from the automotive industry. There's also a mentioning of an innovative product Continental would have liked to make, and could make if not for SEP licensing issues ("a single circuit board with cellular communications and high-end infotainment functions").

The European Commission should also take note of those problems, as Continental is one of five EU antitrust complainants over Nokia's Qualcomm-like refusal to license anyone but end-product makers.

I also like this passage:

"Although the cellular connectivity technology at issue in this case is only a small part of connected-vehicle technology, it is a necessary one. And so the inability of Western device companies to access licenses to SEPs on FRAND terms is hamstringing their ability to compete in this critical device-innovation race."

The brief addresses--and practically destroys--Qualcomm's "efficiency" argument for licensing only end-product makers. That part culminates in the following passage:

"And that is, in a nutshell, one of the fundamental problems with the SEP-holders' rule: It takes a decision that should be sorted out naturally through market forces, and places it in solely the hands of the very party that stands to benefit most from inefficiency."

The proposal is to ensure everyone in the supply chain (not just a patent holder's "preferred link in the supply chain," as the brief calls the patentee's sweet spot) has access to an exhaustive license on FRAND terms, and to then let market forces decide what type of patents is best licensed at what level. But in order for market forces to come into play at all, access must be available to everyone. Otherwise it all just depends on a SEP holder's opportunistic choice.

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Sunday, December 1, 2019

In filing with Ninth Circuit, Intel draws analogy between Qualcomm's business model and Dr. Frankenstein's monster

This is already the fifth post on some amicus curiae briefs filed with the Ninth Circuit in support of the Federal Trade Commission's answer to Qualcomm's appeal--and it won't be the last with at least a couple of submissions from the automotive industry still in my editorial queue.

These are the previous posts on amicus briefs supporting the FTC:

  1. 40 law and economics professors supporting FTC against Qualcomm's appeal contradict themselves just two pages apart

  2. Antitrust think tanks urge Ninth Circuit to affirm Judge Koh's FTC v. Qualcomm ruling

  3. Former Secretary of Homeland Security, former FTC chairman, and conservative think tank dismiss Qualcomm's and DOJ's "national security" arguments

  4. Former Secretary of Homeland Security, former FTC chairman, and conservative think tank dismiss Qualcomm's and DOJ's "national security" arguments

  5. Four IT industry bodies support FTC against Qualcomm's appeal: once again, The Industry v. Qualcomm

There's significant overlap between the briefs, but also unique elements to each of them. Every such filing serves a purpose, even the one that George Soros funded--as the latter makes, apart from some far-fetched theories and overregulatory ideology, a number of surprisingly reasonable points (like a limited dose of a poisonous substance potentially serving a medical purpose) and may appeal to any ultraliberal(s) on the panel (a political inclination the Ninth Circuit has a reputation for, though President Trump--the most profilic nominator of federal judges in history--has already brought some balance to that bench).

A strong showing by amici curiae was definitely needed here as Qualcomm technically has "the United States [Government]" on its side, though Antitrust AAG Makan "Macomm" Delrahim is simply a former (and presumably future) Qualcomm lawyer shamelessly--and often absurdly--acting against overall U.S. economic and national security interests in this context. That he has gotten away with this for such a long time is all the more astounding considering that his boss, Attorney General William Barr, once testified against Qualcomm and its business practices.

As I just said, each of those many pro-FTC submissions serves a purpose. For an example, the Computer & Communications Industry Association's brief, in addition to the CCIA having some members that are not involved with the three other industry bodies who made such filings, is a pretty good primer on the case (especially together with Professor Jorge Contreras's brief), while the Fair Standard Alliance brief presupposes a certain level of understanding--and ACT | The App Association made a particularly forceful submission that warns against the consequences of an acquittal.

But if forced to pick only two briefs from the 14 that have already been filed, I'd probably choose the filings that Qualcomm's victims Intel and MediaTek made, because those may be particularly impactful provided the Ninth Circuit reads them attentively. Those two briefs explain the issues very well, and they drive home a number of points on outcome-determinative legal questions (this post continues below the two documents):

19-11-29 Intel acb by Florian Mueller on Scribd

19 11 29 MediaTek Acb by Florian Mueller on Scribd

Given that those two companies have a similar perspective--Intel was forced out of the market for premium modem chips by Qualcomm, and MediaTek succeeded against Qualcomm at the lower end of the market but can't compete at the top--, it's not surprising that their stories overlap. Three examples:

  1. Both Intel and MediaTek warn against viewing the different aspects of Qualcomm's business model separately (which would make it easier for Qualcomm to downplay or deny the impact of the scheme as a whole) and urge a holistic perspective. MediaTek says "Qualcomm incorrectly compartmentalizes the [district] court's findings of its extensive, multifaceted anticompetitive conduct," and Intel says the following:

    "Qualcomm would defend the pieces of its scheme in isolation, but that is like arguing that the dismembered parts of Dr. Frankenstein's monster were harmless on the laboratory table."

  2. In that context, both filings use the verb "to reinforce" and its present participle. MediaTek puts the adverb "mutually" in front of "reinforcing," as I already did in an almost three-year-old post on the competition issues raised by Qualcomm's conduct.

  3. Intel's brief explains inhowfar Qualcomm's business model is highly unusual:

    "Qualcomm links chips and IP, and it charges separate prices for the chips and the IP substantially embodied in the chips. Qualcomm says it does this to capture the full value of its IP. Nonsense; no other patentee does the things Qualcomm does. For example, one way for SEP holders to earn revenue from their inventions is to sell products that use their inventions. The standard, efficient manner is selling products at a price that reflects both the hardware and IP. No other modem chip maker charges a separate price for chips and the IP substantially embodied in the chips. Even Qualcomm itself doesn't charge two prices for products other than its modem chips.

    "Another way SEP holders earn revenue from their inventions is by licensing them for use in others' products (e.g., licensing Qualcomm's SEPs for use in a handset with an Intel chip). The usual way to do that is to simply negotiate a royalty rate in the shadow of what a court would award as damages for infringement. No other cellular SEP holder comes to that negotiation making threats about cutting off its supply of products. In truth, Qualcomm takes a radically different approach from other SEP holders because it has a radically different purpose: to maintain its chip monopoly." (emphases in original, but not in bold face)

    MediaTek explains the uniqueness of Qualcomm's "No License-No Chips" policy as follows:

    "Labeling a threat 'ordinary' does not render it any less a threat, especially where the record evidence shows that the 'ordinary' practice to which Qualcomm points is not only unique to Qualcomm, but even unique to Qualcomm's supply of monopoly chips." (emphases in original, but not in bold face)

    That is a distinction between Qualcomm's cellular baseband chips ("monopoly chips") and other chips, such as WiFi chips.

The most striking difference is that Intel's brief has a very coherent and well-structured storyline--with many rhetorical highlights--while MediaTek's machine gun type of submission looks like someone was playing Space Invaders (an arcade classic of which there are mobile-game imitations) with Qualcomm's opening brief: there are many dozens of surface-to-air missiles in that brief, each of them designed to debunk and destroy one of Qualcomm's criticims of Judge Lucy H. Koh's ruling.

There's really a ton of material that the Ninth Circuit's clerks could almost copy and paste from MediaTek's brief to compose an opinion resulting in affirmance. Intel's brief--authored by a legal team led by former U.S. Solicitor General Donald Verrilli--takes a very strategic perspective: the FTC's case came too late for them, but they hope that affirmance will at least help with a view to future generations of mobile chips. The strength of MediaTek's brief is in the many powerful details, and what I found particularly impressive is how that amicus brief makes many detailed references to the evidentiary record (Boies Schiller was present on each day of the January trial, and that firm represents MediaTek here). In closing I'll quote how MediaTek summarizes the factual findings Judge Koh made in order to not only "infer" harm to competition (as Qualcomm claims it did) but actually identified harm to the competitive process (I'll leave out the "ER" numbers; you can find them in the PDF):

  1. Qualcomm has maintained a high share of CDMA chip sales.]

  2. Qualcomm has maintained supra-competitive pricing for CDMA chips.

  3. Qualcomm’s conduct has created artificial entry barriers.

  4. Qualcomm has maintained a high share of premium LTE chips.

  5. Qualcomm has maintained supra-competitive pricing for premium LTE chips.

  6. Qualcomm used its monopoly power to eliminate technology competition from WiMAX and ensure that the industry adopted a standard preferred by Qualcomm, thereby reinforcing its chip power.

  7. Qualcomm's refusal to offer MediaTek an exhaustive license delayed MediaTek's entry in successive generations of chips.

  8. Qualcomm's refusal to offer Samsung an exhaustive license prevented Samsung from entering the modem chip market as part of a joint venture.

  9. Qualcomm’s subsequent refusal to offer Samsung an exhaustive license prevented Samsung from selling modem chips to other OEMs.

  10. Qualcomm’s refusal to offer VIA Telecom an exhaustive license prevented VIA from reaching a large portion of the CDMA chip market and caused OEMs to view VIA as an ineffective competitor.

  11. Qualcomm's refusal to offer Intel an exhaustive license delayed Intel's entry into modem chip markets.

  12. Qualcomm's refusal to offer Huawei an exhaustive license prevented Huawei's entry into modem chip markets.

  13. Qualcomm's failure to offer an exhaustive license to Broadcom hastened Broadcom's exit from modem chip markets.

  14. Qualcomm’s chip supply threats caused VIVO to stop buying MediaTek chips that were better suited for VIVO’s handsets.

  15. Qualcomm's royalty discrimination imposed a tax on MediaTek chips that caused Wistron to stop buying from MediaTek.

  16. Qualcomm's supra-FRAND royalties on handsets incorporating non-Qualcomm chips impose an artificial surcharge on all sales of rivals' modem chips, resulting in reduced margins and exclusivity.

  17. Qualcomm's exclusivity conditions created a strong disincentive for Apple to use competitors' chips, foreclosing Intel at Apple for several years.

  18. Qualcomm's exclusivity-based foreclosure of Intel had broad market impact because of Apple's prominence as a validating customer.

  19. Qualcomm's incentive funds, which discriminatorily reduced Qualcomm royalties based on purchase of Qualcomm chips, prevented Blackberry from using competitors' chips and prompted LGE, Samsung, Lenovo, Motorola, and Huawei to shift chip purchases away from competitors, resulting in exclusivity.

  20. The cumulative impact of Qualcomm's exclusive deals suppressed sales available to modem chip competitors.

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Saturday, November 30, 2019

Four IT industry bodies support FTC against Qualcomm's appeal: once again, The Industry v. Qualcomm

In the January 2019 trial, Qualcomm's #1 problem was that virtually the entire mobile device industry testified against it (apart from a very few companies who, like Qualcomm, refuse to license chipset makers, though a couple of them once lodged their own antitrust complaints against Qualcomm for that reason). In terms of amicus briefs filed with the Ninth Circuit, it's pretty much the same picture again: companies who failed in the mobile phone business and trolls support Qualcomm (as does Makan "Macomm" Delrahim, the Antitrust Assistant Attorney General who used to work for Qualcomm), while the rest of the industry presents a united front and supports the FTC.

The collective membership of the four high-tech industry bodies who filed amicus curiae briefs in support of the FTC goes far beyond the ones whose testimony mattered to the district court. That's because those organizations have many members who care about standards but don't necessarily implement the cellular standards at issue in this particular case.

The groups who have now made filings for the FTC and against Qualcomm cound companies like Amazon, Apple, Google, Facebook, Microsoft (those five are sometimes collectively referred to as "GAFAM") among them, but also the likes of Intel, Cisco, eBay, Salesforce, Uber, and major carriers like Sprint, T-Mobile, and Verizon.

That's basically the most vibrant part of the U.S. economy. (We'll also talk about a couple of briefs filed by automotive industry groups, but not in this post.) And as the briefs note, those companies invest huge amounts in R&D and hold vast numbers of patents.

Unfortunately, Macomm Delrahim can make--or tell his subordinates to make--filings in the name of "the United States." But in reality he just advances his own agenda, which is precisely that of his former long-time (and presumably future) client--and it has nothing to do with MAGA. With almost the entire U.S. tech industry against him, he's clearly a liability for the Trump Administration. Former Republican government officials such as former Secretary of Homeland Security (under President George W. Bush) Michael Chertoff and former FTC chairman (under the same president, but also in senior FTC positions under President Reagan) Professor Timothy Muris publicly disagree with Mr. Delrahim.

I regret to say so despite, to the best of my knowledge, being the only tech/IP blogger to have declared himself a Trump supporter roughly four years ago and having repeatedly (mostly on social media) supported the President. But the DOJ Antitrust Division's amicus briefs in this context here are absurd, and that's why I'm glad the industry tells the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit what's truly in the interest of the U.S. economy.

For the most part, the four briefs just reinforce the FTC's points and explain the importance of standard-setting and compliance with FRAND licensing commitments (including licenses to chipset makers) from an industry perspective. While it's very important that the industry at large makes this effort, there's nothing surprising in there, apart from a reference in ACT | The App Association's brief--which also talks about the need for thousands of small IoT innovators to have access to SEPs on FRAND terms--to a case in which SEP-related issues allegedly prevented innovative products from being created:

"The Association has direct experience with the deleterious effect of SEP abuses. For example, one of our members sought to develop a novel drone device (and associated software platform) for firefighting agencies, which would have enabled firefighters to monitor and address dangerous conditions. Concerns over after-the-fact SEP abuses ultimately swayed the member not to bring the product to market, however. In short, the company’s inability to have certainty regarding product costs undermined an otherwise-innovative new business."

It's important to know that ACT's members are thousands of small and medium-sized companies, though it also has a few supporters among large players.

Here are the four filings by tech industry associations (in alphabetical order--ACT | The App Association, CCIA, Fair Standards Alliance, and High Tech Inventors Alliance):

19-11-27 ACT acb by Florian Mueller on Scribd

19-11-27 CCIA acb by Florian Mueller on Scribd

19-11-29 FSA acb by Florian Mueller on Scribd

19-11-29 HTIA acb by Florian Mueller on Scribd

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Former Secretary of Homeland Security, former FTC chairman, and conservative think tank dismiss Qualcomm's and DOJ's "national security" arguments

In its answering brief to Qualcomm's Ninth Circuit antitrust appeal, the FTC says Qualcomm simply "abandoned" its national security argument before the district court and can't revive it now. Nevertheless, many of the (by now) 14 amicus curiae briefs supporting the FTC address the topic to some extent--and the one filed by the R Street Institute (a think tank close to the GOP) even focuses entirely on why any "national security" concerns over Judge Lucy H. Koh's ruling are unfounded because, if anything, Qualcomm's monopoly poses a threat to national security (this post continues below the document):

19-11-28 R Street Institute... by Florian Mueller on Scribd

The author, Charles Duan, is a well-known amicus brief writer. He always writes persuasively and comes up with interesting thoughts. In the past I agreed with his views in some cases and disagreed in others. With respect to FTC v. Qualcomm, I find parts of his brief a bit far-fetched, but in principle I agree with most of what he wrote.

The R Street Institute argues that "patents and even market concentration can also foster innovation, but only to a degree." Healthy competition is still required: "[S]trong patent protection is complementary to strong competition; the former does not promote innovation without the latter."

The brief gives examples of cases in which there was either hard evidence or at least some indication that patent holders who enforced their monopolies too aggressively or sought to charge unreasonably high royalties imperiled U.S. national security. Those examples include the Wright Brothers' patent enforcement against competitors, which had a chilling effect on the U.S. aviation industry (compared to European counterparts) in the early 19th century, a temporary shortage of torpedoes (which forced the U.S. to buy them from a power that was on the verge of becoming an enemy), or the problems the U.S. government faced when chemical company Bayer wanted to charge a rather high per-unit price for Cipro, its anthrax drug, at a time when the U.S. (after 9/11) had to fear a large-scale anthrax attack. Mr. Duan describes those situations in a balanced way, also pointing to criticism of certain views.

What doesn't convince me is his "monoculture" argument. That's a strong point with respect to software (operating systems and key applications) that can be infected by viruses. I can't imagine a virus could take control of a Qualcomm baseband chip.

But he does have a point that competition fosters innovation and, ultimately, is the best recipe for U.S. technological superiority. The notion that Qualcomm should now be afforded special protection because it drove various U.S. competitors out of business (which is basically what Qualcomm and its friends at the DOJ suggest) is truly absurd.

The R Street Institute's brief points to a recent op-ed by former Secretary of Homeland Security (under President George W. Bush) Michael Certoff in the Wall Street Journal, arguing that it's actually Qualcomm's monopoly that poses a threat to national security.

Another official who served in Republican administrations, Professor Timothy Muris, filed an amicus curiae brief this week (this post continues below the document):

19-11-29 Timothy Muris Acb by Florian Mueller on Scribd

Professor Muris was a senior FTC official under President Reagan, and FTC chairman under President George W. Bush. His brief is mostly about general principles of sound competition enforcement. This is a Republican, not a statist. More than anything else Professor Muris's brief is a response to Antitrust Assistant Attorney General Makan (I tend to call him "Macomm" because of his constant support of Qualcomm and his Qualcomm past) Delrahim's filing(s) in support of Qualcomm against the FTC--just a "historical anomaly" as Professor Muris explains.

Professor Muris recalls how somewhat similar concerns were raised almost 50 years ago in connection with the "MaBell" (AT&T) breakup, but ultimately competition had huge benefits for everyone and actually made the U.S. even more secure.

He shares a concern I also had immediately when I saw the Ninth Circuit motion panel's order granting Qualcomm a stay of the enforcement of two parts of the FTC's injunction: the order says that Judge Koh's ruling may be affirmed, but in that case it would be a "trailblazing application of the antitrust laws." Professor Muris contradicts and says the decision "fits squarely within traditional antitrust law." With respect to Qualcomm's "No License--No Chips" policy, Professor Muris notes that "[c]onditioning purchase of a monopoly product on taking a patent license is standard antitrust fare, ripe for examination under well-accepted antitrust principles."

Macomm Delrahim has a position that, according to the brief, "departs sharply from historical practices" and "abandoned the consensus among policymakers, SSOs, and courts concerning patent holdup in favor of an unprecedented position that impermissibly treats patents like natural rights—all of which underlie its position in this case." It's a widespread fallacy to consider patents a type of property like real estate with respect to the right to exclude (or to deny licenses). It's a problem in other jurisdictions as well.

Toward the end, Professor Muris also addresses "national security." He, too, points to former Secretary of Homeland Security Michael Chertoff's op-ed and argues that "[t]he better view is that the loss of innovation from Qualcomm's anticompetitive conduct, giving Qualcomm monopoly protection, is as much, if not more, a national security issue. Some reduction in SEP royalties that Qualcomm may receive going forward doesn't pose a fundamental threat to a company that "is extremely well capitalized with over $12 billion in cash, cash equivalents, and marketable securities on its balance sheet at the end of its last fiscal year—more than half of its annual revenues," and "[since 2015] has authorized double that amount in stock buybacks."

In light of all of that, Professor Muris rejects the idea of givign Qualcomm "special treatment" and instead wants the company to "play by the rules and focus on contributing to American innovation without illegally excluding its rivals."

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Antitrust think tanks urge Ninth Circuit to affirm Judge Koh's FTC v. Qualcomm ruling

As of Saturday morning, 14 (!) amicus curiae briefs supporting the FTC against Qualcomm before the Ninth Circuit have been filed. The previous post discussed Professor Jorge Contreras's submission as well as a brief signed by 40 law and economics professors. It'll take a few more posts before I'm done with that flood of filings...

The American Antitrust Institute (AAI) and Public Knowledge (PK)--the latter is, as the name suggests, more IP-focused, while the former is all about competition enforcement and has more than 130 antitrust lawyers, professors, economists and executives on its advisory board--made a joint submission (this post continues below the document):

19-11-29 AAI and Public Kno... by Florian Mueller on Scribd

The AAI/PK brief is largely about the evidentiary standard for finding one or more antitrust violations in a case like this. The evidentiary standard already came up in Qualcomm's opening statement on the very first day of the January trial. Qualcomm disagreed then, and still disagrees now, with the FTC that a Section 2 Sherman Act violation can be established based on conduct that reasonably appears capable of making a significant contribution to maintaining monopoly power--which was the standard in United States v. Microsoft Corp. (D.C. Cir., 2001). Instead, Qualcomm would like direct evidence of an actual anticompetitive effect--with a highly specific causal nexus between certain conduct and the effects on competition--to be required.

In their joint filing, the AAI and PK accuse Qualcomm of "insisting on unavailable and unnecessary evidence [while] urg[ing] the [Ninth Circuit] to disaggregate or ignore the available, relevant evidence." They also say that Qualcomm's "demand that plaintiffs [here, the FTC] reconstruct the but-for world absent the defendant's conduct also has been rejected, because it would convert a recurring 'proof problem' into an insurmountable defense."

The distinction that the AAI/PK brief stresses is the one between the initial acquisition of a monopoly and the maintenance of a monopoly. The latter is what applies here. The case is not about how Qualcomm originally became so very powerful. It's about conduct that threatens to perpetuate the monopoly by means that have nothing to do with competition on the merits.

In two somewhat interrelated ways, the AAI/PK brief disagrees with Qualcomm's perspective on price as an indication of anticompetitive conduct. The first one is the "Price-Up Trap", defined in an earlier publication as "[m]istaking a firm's inability to profitably raise price above the current level for an inability to exercise market power by preventing competitors' conduct that otherwise would reduce price below the current level, thereby mislabeling a maintenance of market power as a lack of market power":

"In a monopoly maintenance case, the relevant benchmark is a competitive price, not the pre-existing monopoly price, and the anticompetitive effect is not that prices rise or output falls but rather that pre-existing monopoly conditions persist. Qualcomm's failure to account for this dynamic causes it to make several analytical errors."

This is consistent with Professor Contreras's warning--based on a write-up by Professor Cotter--against "circular logic" by comparing current prices (here, royalty rates) with former prices that already resulted from a monopoly position.

In this context, the AAI and PK explain the difference between the two most common types of disclosure: raising rivals' costs ("RRC") and predatory pricing. They agree with Judge Koh that this here is an RRC case.

Toward the end, the AAI/PK brief says Qualcomm "makes a category error in comparing this case to price-based monopolization claims." The AAI and PK seek to (re)focus the Ninth Circuit on "the fact that the royalty imposes a tax on rivals sales," and "[t]he elevated royalties are evidence of an anticompetitive effect, not the anticompetitive effect itself.

That's an important point because Qualcomm likes to argue that nothing is per se illegal about maximizing patent licensing income.

All in all, the AAI/PK brief takes positions that I consider very reasonable and far from overreaching. I also like the position that prospective Section 2 remedies have to be ordered because "to delay suit until harm has actually occurred would be to increase the social cost of monopoly unnecessarily." The analogy to drunk driving (quoting Phillip Areeda & Herbert Hovenkamp) is interesting: "The point is that drunken driving is highly likely to cause social harm, and it is less costly to arrest such a driver before rather than after that harm occurs."

Before I show you--and comment on--another filing by an antitrust-focused think tank, I have to point out that the Open Markets Institute is a radical group funded by none other than George Soros. Their ideas of breaking up various major technology companies are extremist and unrealistic, though a Democratic senator and presidential candidate the President sometimes (and for good reason) calls "Fauxcahontas" has embraced them.

The name "Open Markets Institute" is misleading because, in reality, they want hyperenforcement and overregulation. Soros made a fortune from shortselling, and I wish he could just buy some island, turn it into a sovereign state run on the basis of his crazy, unworkable proposals (especially, but not only, on migration, where he's basically in favor of adverse selection), go public and let others short his stock--it would be a huge opportunity. But instead he uses his money with an agenda to ruin existing countries. As the great Rush Limbaugh said a few years ago:

"George Soros' objective is to agitate and vibrate the United States into a crumbling state of disrepair."

In a panel discussion on the EU's software patents directive (which I successfully campaigned against) shortly before the decisive July 2005 vote in the European Parliament, a patent attorney baselessly claimed that I was funded by Soros--seriously, I'd much rather be linked to Vladimir Putin. I wasn't on that panel, but one of the companies supporting my campaign was and clarified that they were a backer, they knew the other backers, and Soros was nowhere to be seen...

But even Soros's hacks and stooges occasionally--though those instances are few and far between--say something that makes sense. Despite my apprehensions regarding anything Soros funds, I did find a few good passages in the "Open Markets" (again, they're about the opposite most of the time) Institute's brief (this post continues below the document):

19-11-27 Open Markets Insti... by Florian Mueller on Scribd

What I consider hyperbole in that "Open Markets" Institute brief is the emphasis on "deception" ("bait and switch") as the type of antitrust violation at issue here. They argue that Qualcomm's breach of its FRAND licensing pledges amounts to deception. But not every kind of abusive behavior--or every broken promise--constitutes deception. The question is what Qualcomm really intended when it participated in standardization. I'm sure that at least for some time, Qualcomm didn't have any deceptive intention. What's debatable, however, is whether Qualcomm's continued participation in standards development was possibly deceptive because of Qualcomm not intending to honor the promise to license all implementers, as the ATIS and TIA declarations unambiguously require. It's a tricky question, and in Qualcomm's defense it's important to note that they always made their intentions (not to license other chipset makers) perfectly clear, so who was really deceived?

That said, the "Open Markets" Institute's brief is worth reading. It contains a variety of interesting references to antitrust cases in other centuries, and the following quote from 19th-century Republican Senator George Frisbie Hoar about distinguishing between market success on the merits and the result of exclusionary conduct:

"I suppose, therefore, that the courts of the United States would say in the case put by the Senator from West Virginia that a man who merely by superior skill and intelligence, a breeder of horses or raiser of cattle, or manufacturer or artisan of any kind, got the whole business because nobody could do it as well as he could was not a monopolist, but that it involved something like the use of means which made it impossible for other persons to engage in fair competition, like the engrossing, the buying up of all other persons engaged in the same business."

That quote is also interesting with a view to the recently-filed Intel and Apple v. Fortress case.

There are some good points in the "Open Markets" Institute's brief, and my favorite passage explains why it's usually a very good deal for a patent holder to contribute a patented technique to a standard despite then losing the exclusionary (monopoly) rights that normally come with patents:

"For the owner of this patent, the voluntarily foregone monopoly royalties can often be more than made up through fair, non-discriminatory royalties paid by manufacturers on countless standard-compliant products and components. [...] In other words, for the owner of a patent incorporated into a standard in exchange for a FRAND licensing pledge, the gain in royalty volumes can more than offset the reduction in unit-specific royalty margins."

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Sunday, September 1, 2019

U.S. DOJ, Nokia, InterDigital, Dolby, 20 law profs among amici curiae supporting Qualcomm's Ninth Circuit appeal of antitrust ruling in FTC's favor

On Friday (August 30), one week after Qualcomm's opening brief in its Ninth Circuit appeal of Judge Lucy H. Koh's antitrust ruling in favor of the Federal Trade Commission as well as the Ninth Circuit's August motions panel's decision to grant Qualcomm a stay of two injunctive remedies, eight amicus curiae briefs were filed in support of Qualcomm--some officially claiming to support neither party, but practically all of them supporting Qualcomm's positions.

I'm not overwhelmed because neither the filers nor, at first sight, their views are a suprise. But inundated I do feel.

So far I've just commented on one part of Qualcomm's opening brief: its argument, with which I agree in two respects but not in all others, against the component-level licensing obligation. I'm going to do a follow-up to that one because I've concluded that SEPs really are subject to compulsory licensing, as they already were in Germany a long time ago under the Orange-Book-Standard doctrine there, and I found an interesting old U.S. case where the DOJ imposed a compulsory-licensing obligation on a patent holder. But before I even got there, much less found time to address the other parts of Qualcomm's opening brief, there's been that flood of amicus curiae briefs.

Let's start with the one that will bear most weight with the judges based on the submitter--the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice (DOJ) filed an amicus brief on the United States' behalf (this post continues below the document):

19-08-30 DOJ acb by Florian Mueller on Scribd

Once again, Antitrust Assistant Attorney General Makan Delrahim's division is doing his former client a favor. In addition to backing Qualcomm's core positions on the merits, the DOJ argues that even if any liability finding was affirmed, the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit should vacate the injunction and remand the case to the United States District Court for the Northern District of California for a remedies hearing. Additional briefing and a hearing on remedies are procedural steps the DOJ already suggested a few months ago.

Two former chief judges of the Federal Circuit are also among the individuals and organizations rallying behind the San Diego chipmaker. Retired Chief Judge Paul R. Michel, who already supported Qualcomm's motion to stay, argues among other things that the Smallest Salable Patent-Practicing Unit (SSPPU) rule isn't all that important and, if it was, it should be applied differently here. His successor Randall R. Rader, who stepped down over allegations of being improperly close to a patent litigator, is one of 20 antitrust and patent law professors who also filed an amicus brief. On the list of signatories of that one I saw several names of professors who have previously taken pro-SEP-holder positions. The usual suspects, one might say, but that also applies to Nokia's and InterDigitroll's (okay, the company is named "InterDigital") briefs. No company other than Qualcomm has such a strong and immediate interest in the outcome of this appeal as Nokia, which is a defendant to automotive industry supplier Continental's FRAND/antitrust case against the Avanci patent pool firm and some of its contributors (Avanci, Nokia, Sharp and others are trying to get that one dismissed or to be transferred out of Judge Koh's San Jose court, but Continental's opposition brief appears more than strong enough to prevent a venue transfer). And it bears repeating that Nokia itself once formally complained about Qualcomm's business practices at a time when Nokia was the market-leading handset maker.

Interestingly, I haven't seen a filing by Ericsson (hopefully not due to an oversight of mine)...

Dolby Laboratories is another patent monetizer who has repeatedly supported SEP abusers through amicus briefs.

The International Center for Law and Economics and an organization named Alliance of U.S. Startups & Inventors for Jobs ("USIJ") have also made filings.

I've uploaded all eight documents to Scribd, and linked to them from this post. I may very well comment on their content later on as I digest and discuss the different pillars of Qualcomm's appellate strategy. The FTC is going to get an extension until shortly before Thanksgiving to file its responsive brief, so there still is a lot of time to talk about the issues--and the hearing probably won't take place before late January at the earliest, with February being more likely.

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Wednesday, June 12, 2019

LG Electronics and industry group support FTC's opposition to Qualcomm's motion to stay enforcement

This is the second part of today's little trilogy of FRAND posts. Like the previous one, it deals with some Qualcomm antitrust litigation pending in the U.S. and involves third-party submissions (amicus curiae briefs).

Yesterday evening, the FTC filed its opposition to Qualcomm's motion to stay the enforcement of antitrust remedies pending its Ninth Circuit appeal. Qualcomm had unsuccessfully moved to shorten time. The FTC's opposition brief argues that the delay requested by Qualcomm "would adversely affect competition at a critical time, just as the cellular industry is transitioning to 5G technology" (this post continues below the document):

19-06-11 FTC Opposition to ... by on Scribd

The legal standard for an enforcement stay has four prongs. Two of them merge into one when the government (as in this case) is the opposing party, as the government itself can't be harmed, so the harm to third parties (consumers or other vendors) and the public interest are then essentially the same type of concern. The other factors are whether the moving party has made a strong showing that it is likely to succeed on the merits and irreparable harm to the moving party.

Obviously, Judge Koh is not going to agree with Qualcomm that the appeal is likely to succeed. That question will become more relevant when Qualcomm takes this motion to the Ninth Circuit after Judge Koh denies the motion in whole or in part.

As for irreparable injury to Qualcomm, the FTC points out that Qualcomm doesn't even attempt to make such a showing with respect to certain provisions such as a prohibition to impose antitrust-related "gag order" (that term doesn't appear in the FTC's filing) clauses on other parties. And to the extent Qualcomm claims there would be irreparable harm, the FTC naturally disagrees. With respect to license agreements Qualcomm would have to negotiate now (absent the stay it seeks) with third parties, the FTC notes that "Qualcomm and its counsel are entirely capable of negotiating (i) short-term or 'interim' licenses and (ii) contractual provisions that would mitigate or eliminate any long-term adverse consequences to Qualcomm of a license agreement concluded during the pendency of its appeal."

I've had some discussions recently, such as with a journalist just yesterday, on whether Qualcomm would be irreparably harmed by having to renegotiate existing agreements. What I've been telling people is that there certainly would be contractual ways to address any such concerns. For an example, a "condition subsequent" could result in the rescission of a new agreement in the event Qualcomm prevails on appeal, and in that case any previously-existing agreements could enter into force and effect again, even retroactively so as to enable Qualcomm to be made whole. Where there's a will, there's a contractual way.

The point that the FTC makes about the viability of short-term interim agreements is an important one. Based on what Qualcomm tells investors, it currently has an interim agreement in place with Huawei--and an amicus curiae brief filed yesterday in support of the FTC's opposition to Qualcomm's motion for an enforcement stay shows that there also is a provisional agreement in place between Qualcomm and LG, which will expire at the end of this month (this post continues below the document):

19-06-11 LG Amicus Brief IS... by on Scribd

LG tells the court about the status of its relationship with Qualcomm and outlines its concerns that an enforcement stay would enable Qualcomm to gain leverage over LG by using some of the very tactics Judge Koh held to be anticompetitive. In December, LG (re)joined the Korean antitrust case against Qualcomm. What makes its amicus brief in Northern California interesting from a cross-jurisdictional perspective is that Qualcomm is at risk of sanctions, even under Korean criminal law, for failing to comply with a KFTC antitrust order (Qualcomm wanted its enforcement to be stayed, but the Korean court said no). Once Judge Koh's order gets enforced in the U.S., there is an increased likelihood of the Korea Fair Trade Commission putting pressure on Qualcomm to comply with the Korean decision as well.

In addition to LG, ACT | The App Association, an industry body with corporate members of different sizes, also supports the FTC against Qualcomm's motion for a stay (this post continues below the document):

19-06-11 ACT Amicus Brief I... by on Scribd

ACT frequently partners with other industry associations to promote FRAND licensing principles. Yesterday's amicus brief notes that ACT, "together with another leading industry association [= the Fair Standards Alliance], [ACT] recently co-sponsored a CEN-CENELEC Workshop bringing together more than fifty small and large industry companies to document Core Principles and Approaches for SEP Licensing, particularly for 5G applications and industries." In a footnote, ACT links to the result of that European effort, the CEN-CENELEC Workshop Agreement 2 ("CWA2"), a document describing "Core Principles and Approaches for Licensing of Standard-Essential Patents." My next post (the third and final one of today's FRAND trilogy) will discuss CWA2.

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On DOJ's behalf, former Qualcomm lawyers file amicus brief in support of Qualcomm and point to paper co-authored by Qualcomm lobbyist: Ninth Circuit appeal of consumer class certification

This is the first part of today's little trilogy of FRAND-related posts.

In early May, the Antitrust Division of the DOJ, under Qualcomm's former outside counsel and now-Assistant Attorney General Makan Delrahim, filed an amicus brief with the United States District Court for the Northern District of California more than three months after the FTC v. Qualcomm trial (!), seeking to dissuade--to no avail, as we know by now--Judge Lucy H. Koh from ordering injunctive remedies against the chipset maker that generates two thirds of its profits from patent licensing, not product sales. The FTC sharply disagreed with this attempt by a government department to influence the outcome of an antitrust case brought by an independent government agency, and Judge Koh, in her late-May ruling, gave the DOJ's initiative short shrift.

The Antitrust Division of the DOJ, which has so far been disproportionately more active filing amicus briefs than actually enforcing the antitrust laws (though Mr. Delrahim is now apparently taking aim at Apple and Google). And on Monday, the AAAG (Antitrust AAG), did it again. The latest filing supports Qualcomm's Ninth Circuit appeal of Judge Koh's certification of a 250-million-consumer class seeking an average of $20 per U.S. smartphone purchaser from Qualcomm on the grounds of supra-FRAND patent license fees ultimately having been passed on to consumes (this post continues below the document):

19-06-10 Amicus Brief by US... by on Scribd

This latest DOJ amicus brief is at least timely (filed one week after Qualcomm's opening brief in accordance with applicable rules); it is a joint filing by the DOJ with the states of Texas, Ohio and Louisiana; and while the consumer class action got consolidated with the FTC case, a reversal of class certification wouldn't weaken the FTC's case in any way, so I was going to say that at least the DOJ is not antagonizing a federal government agency again. But... unfortunately there's footnote 7, and that footnote is so insane that it makes the early-May request for a hearing on remedies appear reasonable by comparision:

"7 Caution is particularly appropriate with respect to this case because the interaction of antitrust law and patent rights in cases like this one is in flux. Although claims of the sort in this case are grounded in certain scholarly literature, see Fiona M. Scott Morton & Carl Shapiro, Strategic Patent Acquisitions, [...] (2014), such claims and theories of liability remain controversial, and more recent scholars have questioned their viability, see Douglas H. Ginsburg, Koren W. Wong-Ervin & Joshua D. Wright, The Troubling Use of Antitrust to Regulate FRAND Licensing, [...] (2015); Assistant Attorney General Makan Delrahim Delivers Keynote Address at University of Pennsylvania Law School: The 'New Madison' Approach to Antitrust and Intellectual Property Law (Mar. 16, 2018), https://www.justice.gov/opa/speech/assistant-attorney-general-makan-delrahim-delivers-keynote-address-university."

First, FRAND abuse is not just a subject of academic debate as the term "grounded in certain scholarly literature" suggests. There's FRAND case law in the U.S., especially in the Ninth Circuit. Decisions, not just writings.

But the unbelievable absurdity here is something else. AAG Delrahim was outside counsel for Qualcomm for many years (which may be the reason for which he didn't formally sign last month's filing with Judge Koh's court); as I already pointed out last month, his deputy Andrew Finch joined him from a law firm that has also done a lot of high-profile work for Qualcomm. So the two first signatories of the filing are former Qualcomm lawyers who behave as if they were still were. That would be a credibility issue, but what is really an insanity here is that they seek to support their claim of FRAND antitrust laws being "in flux" by pointing to "scholars" taking that position--and then they point to a paper co-authored by Qualcomm lobbyist Koren W. Wong-Ervin (whom I already mentioned last fall) and a speech by Mr. Delrahim (again, a former Qualcomm lawyer) himself.

Mrs. Wong-Ervin is just one of three authors of that paper; but the fact that someone who shortly thereafter was hired to become a Qualcomm lobbyist was involved taints that paper in this Qualcomm-specific context.

So they ignore U.S. case law on standard-essential patent (SEP) abuse by portraying it as just a subject of academic debate, and then they suggest there's a more recent countercurrent, but they base that claim on a paper co-authored by a Qualcomm lobbyist and a speech by Qualcomm's best friend in the U.S. government (and the first signatory of the amicus brief in question), Mr. Delrahim.

The DOJ can do better than that. I really do have the greatest respect for the department and have supported the DOJ's positions on various occasions (once even in the "travel ban" context), but--sorry to say so--no matter how hard I try, I can't have respect for such idiocies as footnote 7.

Other than that footnote, that amicus brief is reasonable, even though reasonable people can disagree with it. The key antitrust issue here is this: Illinois Brick doesn't give indirect purchasers (here, the consumers bought phones, but the makers of those devices paid patent royalties to Qualcomm) standing to seek damages under federal antitrust laws; but many states have, as some say, "repealed" (or one might also say "worked around") Illinois Brick by allowing such claims under state competition laws. California is one of those "repealer" states, while the states that joined the DOJ in this week's filing (Louisiana, Ohio, and Texas) are among the states that declined to do so. The biggest question in this appeal is whether Judge Koh correctly held that states like the three I just mentioned have no interest in precluding their citizens from seeking compensation from a California company (here, Qualcomm) under California state law, given that many or even most of them presumably purchased their phones in their home states, not California.

The U.S. Chamber of Commerce has also filed a brief in support of Qualcomm's appeal of the class certification decision, as has the Washington Legal Foundation.

While I think Judge Koh's class certification decision should be upheld, I wouldn't deny that Qualcomm and its amici reasonably dispute that California law should benefit non-Californian smartphone purchasers. The federal government as well as some "non-repealer" states can legitimately raise a federalist issue here, whether or not one ultimately agrees with them. But footnote 7 is just too much. It shows that the DOJ's Antitrust Division, under AAG Delrahim, is simply in the tank for Qualcomm. "Qualcomm, right or wrong, our former client"--that appears to be the attitude. And it led those Qualcomm allies to claim that "scholars" disagree on how to handle the complicated intersection of patent rights and antitrust laws only because Qualcomm and its allies, unsurprisingly, have a certain position.

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