Showing posts with label Senator Amy Klobuchar. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Senator Amy Klobuchar. Show all posts

Wednesday, December 21, 2022

The Open App Markets Act is dead, long live the Open App Markets Act

The United States Congress has practically concluded its 117th term without passing the Open App Markets Act (OAMA) into law. But one of the key sponsors of the bill--Senator Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.)--has vowed to reintroduce it during the next term and that he and his sponsors would "redouble" their efforts:

The other key sponsors in the Senate are Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.) and Sen. Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.), but they haven't tweeted about the failure of the OAMA and the American Innovation and Choice Online Act (AICOA) yet. Another tweet that I would like to show is from CNN's Jake Tapper:

There's some in-depth analysis out there of the nine-figure lobbying spend (mostly by Apple and Google) that got the OAMA blocked at this stage. Let me refer you to Techmeme for that. It is also a fact that astroturfing played a role. The Cash & Carry Industry Association--which calls itself Computer & Communications Industry Association, falsely claims to advocate open markets (in reality, they're just about protecting monopolies and enabling monopoly abuse), and has been officially accused of astroturfing by EU politicians--was particularly active: it is backed by Apple, Google, and Meta (which is in favor of open app markets, but not of the AICOA).

While I am in favor of the OAMA, I can see why some high-ranking politicians blocked a bill that actually came out of committee with overwhelming support (20-2). I don't want to engage in "(Majority Leader) Schumer-bashing" here. In the patent policy context I've seen how unprincipled he is: he wrote a letter trying to the influence the ITC in favor of a Kodak patent enforcement action (at a time when Kodak was simply a non-practicing entity) while pushing for legislation to protect other New York companies--i.e., banks--from NPE litigation. But politicians at that level usually can't be principled: they have to make tactical choices.

The decision to table the bill (for the British English speakers among my readers, I mean the term the way it is used in America, which is the opposite of how you define it) is somewhat understandable:

  • The EU's Digital Markets Act (DMA) won't actually impact the market until 2024 at the earliest (with a potential for litigation having a dilatory effect). If the OAMA had been voted on this month, it would likely have open up mobile app stores in the U.S. even before anything would really change in Europe. (Apple's App Store business is relatively small in Europe compared to the U.S., due to market share, purchasing power, and other factors.)

  • The Ninth Circuit is working on its Epic Games v. Apple appellate opinion, and while I know that many other observers believe Epic's appeal will be rejected due to a failure of proof, I got the impression that the appeals court is aware of the district court not having gotten the market definition right. In any event, that case won't be over after the Ninth Circuit panel opinion. We'll likely see a petition for an en banc rehearing and ultimately a cert petition.

  • The DOJ supports Epic, but may also bring its own case against Apple. The DOJ could bring that case anytime now, even before the Ninth Circuit panel has spoken, but it may also await the panel opinion in order to optimize its complaint accordingly.

As an app developer who is much more concerned about the app review tyranny than the app tax (though the latter is also unacceptable), I'm obviously disappointed about the OAMA not having come to fruition yet. But many roads lead to Rome, and 2023 is another year.

Sen. Blumenthal says he and his allies in Congress will "redouble" their work. That also applies to the companies pushing for the OAMA, and their organizations, above all the Coalition for App Fairness (CAF). On Twitter and LinkedIn, I often like and share the CAF's posts, though--to be honest--I sometimes find them repetitive. The CAF must get bigger and better. The problem with getting other companies involved in the fight is, of course, that too many are afraid of the two tyrants, especially of Apple. But possibly there are some companies that are truly suffering under the app story tyranny and thought they could stay on the best possible terms with the dictatorship, politically free-riding on other companies' efforts and courage to fight the good fight. Maybe some of the free-riders and cowards will now determine that they should play a more active role next time, or change won't happen.

I'm also disappointed that it often feels like there are only two people calling out those astroturfers: Epic Games CEO Sweeney, and yours truly. (To be fair, before I first called out ACT, NY-based attorney David Cohen had already done so on his KidonIP blog, but with a focus on patent policy as opposed to app store issues; and Bloomberg's Emily Birnbaum exposed ACT more than any of us did, but she's a neutral reporter and we need more anti-astroturfing activism.)

The Verge's Alex Heath interviewed Mr. Sweeney earlier this month. Strongly recommended. He's definitely not going to give up. I don't agree with Epic 100% of the time, but easily 80%, if not 90%. With more Epics, Apple and Google would lose this. And I do view Spotify's efforts more favorably now. It was reported in some media that Spotify founder Daniel Ek met with EU antitrust chief Margrethe Vestager a few months ago. A DG COMP ruling against Apple--provided that it's not too narrowly focused on the music streaming market--would be a huge milestone. But while Mr. Sweeney's criticism of the mobile app store mess is comprehensive and multi-faceted, I'd like to see such companies as Spotify and Match Group (Tinder)--the other key CAF founders--to tackle the problem from more angles as well.

I also believe that those advocating open app markets could do a better job explaining to journalists--and it shouldn't be hard when you look at the impact of App Tracking Transparency (ATT)--why we're effectively also fighting for their interests.

Some argue that a Republican House majority would make it hard or even impossible to bring back the OAMA. I don't think so. There are various ways in which it could still work, but those in favor of open app markets must get smarter and better. There's no denying that it's harder to build consensus between a Democratic majority in the Senate and a GOP majority in the House of Representatives.

Just learn your lessons from what didn't work out during this Congressional term and why, and then the OAMA may come back with a vengeance, either in 2023 or after the EU's DMA and the UK's DMU have made an actual impact and delivered proof that neither the security sky nor the privacy sky will fall if you allow third-party app stores and direct installs (aka "sideloading").

Friday, September 23, 2022

Senator Mike Lee is the lone voice of antitrust reason: allowing cartels (through the Journalism Competition and Preservation Act) is the wrong way to tackle a market-failure problem

Here's a perfect example of conflicting goals. There are three alternative ways to look at the Journalism Competition Preservation Act (JCPA) that just passed a vote in the Senate Judiciary Committee with overwhelming support (15-7), but still has miles to go before it will become enacted by both houses of Congress. Each of those alternative takes on the current version of the bill aims at a laudable goal, and is espoused by a different one of my favorite three United States Senators:

  • Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.), to whom the app developer community (of which I am a member) is indebted for her tireless efforts to combat app store abuse, says the bill will "save local journalism" by "allow[ing] news organizations to jointly negotiate fair terms for access to their content by Google, Facebook, and other dominant platforms."

    Her concerns over "dominant online platforms’ power over news organizations" are well-founded.

  • Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Tex.) celebrates his personal achievement: he secured "secured significant protections against Big Tech censorship with an amendment to the [JCPA]." That safeguard "not only protects the content of the journalists whose outlets may be negotiating with Big Tech but it critically protects the speech of journalists and smaller media outlets who don’t have a seat at the table." It is indeed "a major win for free speech and it strikes a blow against the virtual monopoly that Big Tech has to limit the information that Americans see online." This is the Section 230-centric perspective. For app developers and others interested in fair competition in technology markets, some Republicans' focus on free speech actually paves the way for legislative as well as judicial decisions that will have very positive effects and that the GOP's antitrust skeptics of yore would have been sure to fight tooth and nail.

  • But there is an undeniable structural issue here that anyone with a principled perspective on competition enforcement must be worried about: cartels are a serious antitrust violation, not an appropriate remedy. Senator Mike Lee (R-Utah) states it very well in a video (excerpts from his Senate speech) he embedded into the following tweet:

As Senator Lee reminds us, there are--except when you pass legislation like the JCPA in its current form--even criminal consequences for creating cartels. About a year ago, Qualcomm's Fabian Gonnell remarked at an automotive patent licensing conference that everyone involved in a joint licensing negotiation group (over standard-essential patent royalties) should go to jail. This blog has consistently opposed licensee negotiation groups for well over a year, and was referenced in Acer's patent infringement against Volkswagen in the Eastern District of Virginia.

That's why I find it disconcerting to read in Senator Klobuchar's press release that the JCPA in its current form would "[e]mpower eligible digital journalism providers—that is, news publishers with fewer than 1,500 exclusive full-time employees and non-network news broadcasters that engage in standard newsgathering practices—to form joint negotiation entities to collectively negotiate with a covered platform over the terms and conditions of the covered platform’s access to digital news content."

There is, of course, at least one fundamental difference between automotive licensing negotiation groups (LNGs) and what the current JCPA envisions: in the car industry, they want the big guys to form cartels, like Volkswagen, Toyota, or Ford. With the JCPA, there is at least a limitation to smaller publishers ("fewer than 1,500 exclusive full-time employees"). I've previously said that I might view a joint licensing effort by a few small IoT startups differently than a VW-Toyota-Ford cartel--but only because of the threshold (market share of 15%) that already exists under EU competition law.

To allow cartels in order to redress an alleged or actual market imbalance sets a terrible precedent. Two wrongs don't make a right--and the second wrong that you condone in order to deal with the first will haunt you in other fields.

Getting Google to pay for links is quite a challenge. After the EU's 2019 copyright reform bill, Google initially just stopped displaying snippets and linking to publishers unless they waived their rights--but they need the traffic that Google generates. The French antitrust authority then fined Google, and Google quietly gave up on its appeal.

There must be a better solution, but this is is not the place to discuss alternative approaches. Legalizing cartels is not the answer, as a matter of principle. One can have more sympathy for a small local newspaper than for Google--frankly, that's easy--but still warn against an ill-conceived approach that legalizes cartels. As does Senator Lee. Thankfully so.

Saturday, May 1, 2021

Apple raised its effective App Store commission rate in certain geographic markets to (respectively) 31.4%, 32.1%, and 35.25% in September

After this post, I'll (have to) take a break from blogging about App Store antitrust matters for a few weeks or maybe even months, as I'll explain further below. Before I do that, I'm going to share several thoughts and pieces of information in this post. You can click on any of the links below to go straight to the part you're most interested in:

  1. Effective App Store commission ("App Store tax") rate peaks at 35.25% (plus annual developer program fee plus Search Ads) -- a relative increase by 17.5%

  2. IP-related issues surrounding web apps

  3. Recent United States Senate hearing: mixed blessing for Epic's case

  4. Statement of Objections from the European Commission's Directorate-General for Competition (DG COMP) in the investigation instigated by Spotify

  5. Taking a break from commenting on app store antitrust cases

 

1. Effective App Store commission ("App Store tax") rate peaks at 35.25% (plus annual developer program fee plus Search Ads) -- a relative increase by 17.5%

In its proposed findings of fact and conclusions of law, Epic Games debunks Apple's claim that it has not been able to increase (or even maintain) its App Store commission rate due to competitive constraints (though in reality any reductions were motivated by antitrust-related reasons):

"92. Moreover, contrary to its claims, Apple has repeatedly increased prices after developers and consumers were locked in, including by requiring use of Apple’s IAP to process payments for in-app digital content (2009); requiring IAP for subscriptions (2011); and charging developers for search ads (2016). (Findings of Fact ¶¶ 23, 123.)"

The ability to increase prices without losing market share is characteristic of a monopolist. Sometimes, monopolies are identifiable just on that basis. In those cases where a monopolist could have increased prices, but did not do so, a SSNIP test is performed by economists on a hypothetical basis (such as by conducting a survey): Small but Significant Non-transitory Increase in Price. Generally, "small but significant" means 5%-10%, and plaintiffs often argue that they can establish even greater market power than what it takes to command a 10% increase.

Epic's examples all make sense. It's true that Apple extended the scope of applicability of the 30% commission (the Small Business Program just came recently for antitrust reasons and has nothing to do with market dynamics whatsoever) to other types of payments, as the testimony in this case confirms. Search Ads are indeed another indirect price increase, as many app developers pay for the discoverability of their apps on the App Store by promoting their apps above the organic search results that may favor a competitor--which in turn often forces the affected competitor to place Search Ads only to maintain the top spot.

But Epic's list of de facto price increases is not even exhaustive. (Can't blame them as they need to focus and Apple's sophisticated tactics raise so many issues.)

The FT's Tim Bradshaw highlighted another problem in September:

At around the same time, other people commented on it as well, and one website had to backtrack because they made it sound like Apple passed 100% of those digital services taxes on to developers. There should have been much more outrage, and in some jurisdictions developers could even have brought complaints over this particular issue. But it went almost unnoticed, probably because too few people--if any--thought it through in every detail.

Once one has thought it through, it's crystal clear: many (if not most or even all) third-party developers end up having to pay digital services taxes ("DST") only because of Apple's tying (of the payment system to the App Store as the only access route to iOS users), and wouldn't owe those taxes otherwise.

In Turkey, DST is 7.5%; in France and Italy, 3%; and in the UK, 2%. More countries will follow. In fact, President Biden is open to a global agreement on DST.

Apple treats DST like VAT (Value Added Tax) or sales tax (which is simply the same when it comes to a business-to-consumer transaction), which belongs to neither Apple nor developers, and subtracts both VAT and DST from what customers pay before splitting the income with developers. It appears that most people haven't figured out yet why that is inappropriate, unfair, and indicative of Apple's market power:

  • VAT is a concept that's about 100 years old, while DST wasn't even foreseeable when the original App Store terms were set in 2008.

  • VAT is charged on broadly defined product and service categories (such as having one rate for food, another for non-food), while DST relates to narrowly defined types of services, such as app stores and online advertising. Typically, DST does not apply to games, so even Epic's Fortnite would not be affected if they could just use a payment service of their choosing for in-app purchases.

  • The thresholds for DST are extremely high, while countries exempt companies from VAT only if their sales are below negligible de minimis thresholds. The whole idea of DST is to tax only large and rich digital gatekeepers, which is why lawmakers always "gerrymander" the thresholds. DST typically comes with a global and a domestic threshold, and applies only to those who meet both, with "local heroes" typically failing to meet the global one.

  • While both VAT and DST are charged as a percentage of sales, VAT is a consumption tax and DST is meant to be a tax on (huge) profits.

  • Therefore, VAT is meant to be ultimately paid by consumers (as an indirect tax), while DST should be paid by "GAFA" (Google, Apple, Facebook, Amazon).

Australia is a special case: it applies VAT (called "Goods and Services Tax" (GST) down under) to digital services (not just specific types of marketplaces), with a threshold of A$75,000. There are probably some developers who do not benefit from Apple's Small Business Program (worldwide revenues in excess of 1 million), but wouldn't have to charge VAT in Australia.

The situation in Turkey is different from that in France, Italy, and the UK because Apple raised consumer prices accordingly. But that doesn't mean the effective commission rate didn't increase as well--and just delivers additional proof of Apple's market power over consumers even in a market with a low iOS market share compared to Android.

If we focus--for simplicity's sake--just on the four DST jurisdictions I've already mentioned (with a combined population of roughly a quarter billion people), and on the period before Apple's Small Business Program, this means Apple raised its App Store tax to 35.25% in Turkey (30% + (70% times 7.5%)), a relative increase of 17.5% (way above the SSNIP range); to 32.1% in France and Italy (relative increase: 7%, about the middle of the typical SSNIP range); and 31.5% in the UK (relative increase: 4.67%, pretty close to the lower end of the SSNIP range.

Apple makes things look "equitable" by deducting DST, then splitting the remainder. But there are three arguments against it, any single one of which is reason enough for Apple to internalize 100% of DST:

  1. Contractual: DST wasn't foreseeable when Apple set its original App Store terms (i.e., at a time when Apple claims it didn't have market power).

  2. Policy (legislative intent): Lawmakers wanted "GAFA" companies to internalize those taxes. For example, the UK government says:

    "The measure is expected to have an impact on a small number of large multinational groups by bringing into scope of Digital Services Tax the proportion of their revenue that is derived from UK users of social media, search engines or online marketplaces." (emphases added)

    Could lawmakers have worded their DST laws more clearly to achieve that effect? Well, even if they had done a better job, companies with market power would always find a way to offload that tax burden onto those who are dependent on them, or on consumers (as Apple did in Turkey), so even the best DST law wouldn't work without effective competition enforcement.

  3. Liability: The simplest and therefore strongest point is that even Epic wouldn't pay DST on Fortnite revenues in a jurisdiction that applies it to marketplaces such as app stores if not for the mandatory honor to use Apple's payment system.

The extent to which a given developer is impacted by that de facto commission hike varies greatly. Developers who generate all or almost all of their sales in non-DST jurisdictions are not affected for the time being, though DST is getting adopted in ever more places. On the other end of the spectrum there are companies that generate all or almost all of their IAP revenues in a country like Turkey or the UK, be it because the functionality and/or content of their apps is of interest only to customers in those target markets or because they just happened to get more traction there.

To sum it up, the effective App Store tax that a developer pays on a particular IAP transaction is the percentage of ex-VAT (and ex-sales-tax) proceeds from users that the developer would additionally keep if it could charge end users directly. Apple clearly has the power to increase that rate to developers' detriment.

2. IP issues surrounding web apps

In a recent post I mentioned one of Apple's least convincing claims, which is that native IOS apps (the ones you download from the App Store) face competition from an alternative called web apps (or sometimes "progressive web apps").

While Apple's defenses against Epic are partly based on Apple wanting to be free to commercialize its intellectual property rights (in a transparent attempt to match the FTC v. Qualcomm pattern), the suggestion that developers could offer web apps instead of native apps shows that Apple has very little respect for developers' IP. Epic's proposed findings of fact and conclusions of law explain various shortcomings of web apps. I'd just like to add a couple of IP-related ones, and a commercial one, that I couldn't find in the publicly accessible part of the record:

  • Web apps are like "open source" software: you get highly human-readable code in a scripting language. Obfuscation would be theoretically possible, but practically one couldn't afford it because it would reduce the performance and bloat the file size. Web apps already start slowly because they need to be downloaded every time they're used, and if obfuscation icnreases the file size, it takes even longer.

    In theory, anything can be reverse-engineered. In practice, native apps are hugely more time-consuming to reverse-engineer.

    The IP issue facing developers is that if you essentially publish your source code, others can easily infringe your copyright, and you give up your trade secrets. The protection of software source code by trade secret was actually the only IP protection prior to the extension of copyright law to software (and software patents came even later).

  • There's also a defensive problem: source code is easily inspected, so web apps make it easy for "patent trolls" to identify targets for their infringement allegations (whether or not those would have merit).

  • The non-IP issue I wanted to raise is that--at least when I checked a few months ago--major ad networks don't support in-app advertising on a WebGL/HTML5 basis. One can display ads outside of a window in which a WebGL app runs, but that causes other problems. Also, developers can partner with web game aggregators/portals that provide APIs and sell the ad space, but then a game must be published on those third-party sites and we're no longer talking about a web app with an icon on the home screen.

3. Recent United States Senate hearing: mixed blessing for Epic's case

Last week, the Subcomittee for Competition Policy, Antitrust, and Consumer Rights of the United States Senate held a hearing on app store competition issues. There was strong bipartisan support for combating the abuse of mobile app store monopolies. From the far left (by Senate standards) to the far right (again, by Senate standards), senators are sympathetic to developers' concerns.

Apple didn't like it at all that the hearing was going to take place so close in time to the Epic Games v. Apple trial, but ultimately provided a witness.

In some ways, maybe even in many ways, that hearing was really great for Epic's purposes. But there is a potential downside:

Senator Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.) seeks not only to overhaul U.S. antitrust law in general but also to enact some app-specific legislation, and her position is that current U.S. antitrust law (in the combination of the statutes and how the courts interpret them) is too weak to address this issue. Epic's partners in the Coalition for App Fairness, particularly Spotify, strongly agreed with her. Sen. Klobuchar had previously lamented the state of affairs of U.S. antitrust case law in Justice Amy Coney Barrett's confirmation hearing.

Spotify's written testimony (PDF) also calls on lawmakers to "enact targeted prohibitions that will stop abusive conduct by app stores." This is a typical case of conflicting goals: you obviously can't ask for new legislation and praise existing legislation as being suitable-to-task.

It would have been preferable for the app developers who testified on that occasion to state clearly that they believe Epic is going to win its case against Apple, but any litigation comes with risks and new legislation might provide a faster solution, especially with respect to Google (Epic's case against Google is trailing far behind the Apple case). Some of what was said by the #1 antitrust expert in the Senate as well as by certain witnesses could be interpreted as expressing doubts concerning Epic's chances in court against the major mobile app store operators.

It's a typical defense not only in antitrust cases to say that a plaintiff should "direct to Congress" certain complaints or concerns. Sometimes courts say so in their written opinions. There is a risk here that the judiciary will effectively refer Epic to the Capitol.

4. Statement of Objections from the European Commission's Directorate-General for Competition (DG COMP) in the investigation instigated by Spotify

It's great news that the European Commission's DG COMP yesterday announced its Statement of Objections (SO) against Apple's App Store rules for music streaming providers, further to a complaint brought by Spotify. While the scope of that particular investigation and the market definition used in that case are relatively narrow, there can be no doubt about the Commission's--and particularly Executive Vice President Margrethe Vestager's--determination to address app store issues beyond just music streaming.

The timing of that announcement added insult to injury: precisely the work day before the start of the Epic Games v. Apple trial. It's like a pretrial amicus curiae brief.

I recommend this analysis on the Platform Law Blog. Dimitrios Katsifis of Geradin Partners explains the progress this represents as well as its limitations, and encourages additional action by national competition authorities.

While Mr. Katisfis makes strong points, I actually think it is a smart strategy by the Commission to tackle the app store problem step by step, cracking one nut at a time and gradually expanding the scope of the case law. Piecemeal tactics and progressive approaches have worked in similar contexts (such as the enforcement of the GPL free and open source software license).

5. Taking a break from commenting on app store antitrust cases

Originally I intended to follow the Epic Games v. Apple bench trial by telephone (I got the dial-in number for journalists). If the day had 34 hours, not 24, I'd still do it. But it's difficult for me to set my priorities for this month with all that's going on.

I don't want to write too much about my own complaints against Apple and Google, but suffice it to say that there is a competition enforcement agency that originally gave me six weeks to reply to Apple's response to my complaint, and in order to be able to obtain relevant data from some recent filings, I requested (and was thankfully granted) a two-week extension until May 10. At the same time, there are some things going on with respect to standard-essential patents that require my attention in the coming weeks.

The Epic v. Apple trial would be fascinating to follow in some ways, but ultimately the decision will be made by the Supreme Court, which is almost certain to hear the case (and if not, then by the Ninth Circuit, but not by the trial court).

Judge Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers said at a recent pretrial conference that there won't be any surprises: the parties have already told the court what they believe their strongest legal arguments and facts are. Now it's about whether they can deliver proof.

If Epic wins, which I hope it will though I'm not going to make a prediction at this stage, it will help the developer community at large. I really feel that Epic's sacrifice for this cause would deserve a lot more credit, but that's another story.

The hurdle is very, very high (see the section on the Senate hearing). Epic made a rather ambitious jurisdictional choice. If I were in their shoes, I'd have sued in Europe, especially the largest European market (Germany), where Google's market share is so high that market definition can be won very easily--and both statutory and case law are far more favorable. But Epic wanted to go straight for the grand prize. They are trying to succeed on Broadway or in Hollywood on the first attempt. Should Apple be let off the hook in the U.S., it won't mean that Epic was wrong nor is it likely that one could blame Epic's second-to-none lawyers. One would have to attribute it to what Sen. Klobuchar said at Justice Barrett's confirmation hearing about the U.S. theoretically having broad antitrust statutes that the courts apply very narrowly.

Epic has the stronger arguments. Apple has little more than pretext to offer, and its relatively strongest point is that other digital app stores also charge 30%, though the reduction from 30% to 12% of the commission charged by the Microsoft Store shows that competition works wonders. Apple is going to basically equate the iPhone to the Xbox, despite several fundamental differences in usage patterns and the availability of other computing devices (where there is an Xbox, there is also a number of other gadgets, but sometimes an iPhone is the only device people carry with them). Apple will, as I mentioned further above, try to match the Qualcomm pattern (not their words, but basically saying: "we're just commercializing our IP and should be free to do so as we see fit"), and to benefit from the Supreme Court's American Express decision on two-sided markets. All of that is transparent based on the proposed findings of fact and conclusions of law.

I can't imagine any developer out there wouldn't want Epic to win. I believe they can prevail, even under U.S. antitrust law as it stands. But if Epic lost, it would be a huge mistake to consider Epic Games v. Apple to be the heart of the resistance against app store abuse. Arguably, Spotify is currently in the pole position, as the SO will almost certainly result in a Commission decision, which Apple will then appeal to the CJEU.

There'll be plenty of press coverage for you to get the key "soundbites" from that trial. I'll look at this at a later stage, possibly only when the district court hands down its judgment. My positions on this topic haven't changed, nor would they.

[Update on May 3] The start of my final pretrial Twitter thread (and likely my last Twitter commentary on the issue for about a month):

[/Update]

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Saturday, April 10, 2021

Bipartisan senators' letter to stonewalling Apple bookends week with public sentiment turning against App Store terms, policies, and practices

There was a high density of significant--mostly regulatory--developments concerning Apple's App Store policies during the first week of March. The week that is ending now is at least as important, but in a different way. It looks like the tide has turned against Apple, with more and more decision makers and opinion leaders starting to realize just how harmful Apple's abuse of its App Store monopoly is.

When Epic Games sued Apple last summer, I was glad about it in one way but skeptical in others. I was equally unconvinced of whether the subsequently founded Coalition for App Fairness could achieve its goals. By now I actually think it's a question of when, not if, the App Store monopoly will fall. I'm looking forward to the day--whenever it may finally come--when I'll be able to install apps from third-party app stores on an iPhone or iPad. Short of that option, Apple's conduct is going to create too many problems for regulators to keep up with.

Change is potentially coming from different directions. Apple (and Google, the sole ally it has in this) can put out some fires, or contain them for the time being, such as in the Arizona state legislature. But there's already far more than just a crack in the shell. It won't go quite as fast as Scrat's continental crack in the Ice Age movie, yet jurisdiction by jurisdiction, #OpentheAppStore is going to become a reality.

In the middle of the night from Wednesday to Thursday, Epic and Apple filed their proposed findings of fact and conclusions of law (see also my two other posts about those documents: redefinition of "commission", full text of requested injunction).

Pretty much all that Apple can try to accuse Epic of is having planned its "Project Liberty" since 2019 and having given one of its outside counsel an Epic email address. By contrast, Epic's filing contains so many revelations that I haven't even found the time yet to blog about all of them (I plan to discuss some of them in May in connection with trial testimony), and even my numerous tweets just provided examples of all that's wrong with the App Store, but top-notch media discovered a lot in Epic's filing and reported on it. There's a whole parade of horribles from Apple deciding not to publish an Android version of its iMessage app because it wants to lock users into its platform to an internal admission that the App Store review's contribution to security is like bringing a plastic butter knife to a gunfight. In fact, it has now been confirmed that the App Store monopoly was justa "policy" decision and Apple's security experts weren't even involved in the internal discussions. Probably the most appalling part is that Apple approved a school shooting game just two weeks after the Parkland tragedy.

In light of those developments, I tweeted the following on Friday:

A few hours later, it became known that the chairwoman of the Subcommittee on Competition Policy, Antitrust, and Consumer Rights, Senator Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.), and the subcomittee's Ranking Member, Senator Mike Lee (R-Utah), sent a letter to Apple CEO Tim Cook (PDF), basically calling on him to stop stonewalling. What had happened? There's an upcoming Senate hearing on app store competition issues this month. As a matter of audiatur et altersa pars, senators would want to talk with Apple and not just about Apple. But Apple refused to provide a witness under the pretext of pending litigation (sorry I have to the word "pretext" and the related adjective all the time in connection with Apple, but that's due to how they act). As the senators note, the Epic case was also pending when Apple sent witnesses to state legislatures (North Dakota and Arizona), and Apple gives interviews about this all the time. Tim Cook participated in a House of Representatives hearing on the same topic last year.

According to the senators, Apple was originally cooperative with the Senate Antitrust Subcommittee, and it appeared as if the only question was whom Apple was going to dispatch to DC. But then, Apple decided to decline the invitation.

Apple must be really afraid of that May trial. They obviously know that U.S. antitrust law is pretty defendant-friendly, but the App Store situation is as intolerable as it is unjustifiable. How frightened must Apple be that it would snub the United States Senate after actually testifying in the lower chamber and in state legislatures about the same issues?

Actually, whatever Apple says there under oath will have to be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth--just like whatever its witnesses have already said in their depositions in the Epic case, and whatever they will say next month in the Oakland federal courthouse.

If anything, Apple's stonewalling--which the senators' letter calls "unacceptable"--helps to build bipartisan consensus that something must be done about the problem.

In 2013, this blog already reported on a couple of occasions on which Senators Klobuchar and Lee jointly wrote letters about a serious antitrust issue: the abuse of standard-essential patents. In that context, they actually supported Apple--as did I in my modest way:

Later that year I (favorably) mentioned Sen. Klobuchar in the context of the fight against patent trolls. In 2018, I proposed that the tech industry lobby for Sen. Lee to be nominated to the Supreme Court, though I was really disappointed last month that he opposed Lina Khan's nomination to the Federal Trade Commission.

For your convenience, here's the full text of the senators' letter to Apple's CEO:

--------------------------

April 9, 2021

  

Mr. Timothy Cook
Chief Executive Officer
Apple Inc.
One Apple Park Way
Cupertino, CA 95014

  

Dear Mr. Cook:

We write regarding Apple Inc.’s refusal to provide a witness to testify in a timely manner before the Senate Judiciary Committee’s Subcommittee on Competition Policy, Antitrust, and Consumer Rights at a hearing to examine the competition issues raised by app stores.

More than half of internet traffic comes through mobile phones, whose users rely on mobile applications to access online content and services—and the vast majority of mobile apps are downloaded from either Apple’s App Store or Google’s Play Store. Apple’s power over the cost, distribution, and availability of mobile applications on the Apple devices used by millions of consumers raises serious competition issues that are of interest to the Subcommittee, consumers, and app developers. A full and fair examination of these issues before the Subcommittee requires Apple’s participation.

Apple has been aware for weeks that the Subcommittee was planning a hearing on this topic and was engaged in discussions with our staff regarding who would testify on Apple’s behalf. Yet a little more than two weeks [16 days] before the planned hearing, Apple abruptly declared that it would not provide any witness to testify at a hearing in April.

Earlier this year, Apple provided witnesses to testify before the North Dakota Senate and the Arizona House of Representatives to oppose state bills that would regulate the very same conduct that the Subcommittee intends to explore. You testified before the House Antitrust Subcommittee regarding these same issues last year. And on the exact day Apple informed the Subcommittee that it would not provide a witness for an April hearing, the New York Times released a podcast interview in which you discuss competition issues relating to Apple’s App Store, including Apple’s pending litigation with Epic Games.

Finally, your staff has noted ongoing litigation as the reason for not providing a witness this month. Many other representatives of companies, both inside and outside of the technology sector, have testified before Congress in similar circumstances, and your staff was aware of the ongoing litigation when they were initially working with us to provide a witness. Apple’s sudden change in course to refuse to provide a witness to testify before the Subcommittee on app store competition issues in April, when the company is clearly willing to discuss them in other public forums, is unacceptable.

We strongly urge Apple to reconsider its position and to provide a witness to testify before the Subcommittee in a timely manner.

Thank you for your urgent attention to this matter.

  

Sincerely,

  

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