Showing posts with label United States Senate. Show all posts
Showing posts with label United States Senate. Show all posts

Thursday, July 27, 2023

U.S. government steps up resistance to proposed EU SEP Regulation: USPTO director Vidal voices concerns at Senate hearing, announces 'all-of-government approach ... data-driven by feedback'

There are policy areas in which the European Union cannot vigorously defend the EU economy's interests without some transatlantic antagonism. Subsidies are an example. Standard-essential patents (SEPs) are not. Much to the contrary, a couple of major European SEP holders generate very significant revenues from licensees based in the United States.

But the EU's proposed SEP regulation is so fundamentally flawed that voices of reason from outside the EU are needed. One of them is the UK IPO with its very careful approach. Another example is the Biden Administration, and I just can't see why an initiative that harms European SEP holders is worth a rift between the EU and the United States.

Almost three months ago I reported on U.S. Secretary of Commerce Gina M. Raimondo having said at a Senate hearing that the U.S. government has officially commited "concerns" over the proposal to the European Commission. Yesterday (Wednesday, July 26) the Senate's Subcommittee on Intellectual Property (chairman: Sen. Chris Coons (D-Del.)) held a USPTO oversight hearing, toward the end of which the following was said:

SENATOR COONS: This is my last question. ... I've been following with genuine concern recent proposed regulations by the European Union for what would essentially be an SEP rate court. That regulation, I'm concerned, validates China's practices ... and I had shared those concerns ... and [Secretary Raimondo] agreed the proposal is problematic. What steps has the USPTO taken to communicate concerns to our European colleagues and what steps do you think the Administration can and should take to guard against restrictions on SEP licensing in the EU and globally?

DIRECTOR VIDAL: As I mentioned in my opening remarks, that's one of the things that I'm keenly focused on: it's standards, because I think it's critical to our economy. I will say that when we withdrew the 2019 policy statement around SEPs with NIST and DOJ, it was because we see standards as an international issue that individual countries weighing in in these ways could be extremely problematic. So what we've done when it comes to the EU directorate is I've met with the EUIPO in Geneva [presumably a WTO/WIPO meeting] just a week and a half ago. I've also spoken to other stakeholders in Europe about this. We also are issuing soon an FR notice, a Federal Register notice, to seek feedback from U.S. stakeholders on international SEP policy so that we can inform an all-of-government approach. That's gonna be not just the USPTO. I'm doing that with NIST, our standards and technology group, and ITA, our international group within [the Department of] Commerce, so that we can get an all-of-government approach that's data-driven by feedback.

Thursday, May 4, 2023

U.S. Secretary of Commerce expressed Biden Administration's 'concerns' over EU SEP regulation proposal, also communicated them to EU Commission: Senate hearing

Not only former U.S. government officials have criticized the European Commission's proposal for a regulation on standard-essential patents (SEPs) that was formally put on the table a week ago. I've obtained a transcript of a hearing that took place in the United States Senate last week, and it's now clear that the Biden Administration--represented at the hearing by Secretary of Commerce Gina M. Raimondo--considers the proposed SEP regulation to be harmful to U.S. patent holders.

The hearing obviously had a broader focus, and when he was already running out of time for his intervention, Senator Chris Coons (D-Del.)--the new chair of the Senate's IP Subcommittee--started to talk about "China's abusive practices with respect to standard essential patents, SEPs which are critical for advances, things like 5G." In U.S. political debates, China is the preferred bogeyman, and that is a bipartisan thing. Oddly, the European Commission, too, is playing that game. The Commission brought a WTO complaint over Chinese SEP case law, and at last week's presentation of the SEP proposal, Chinese companies' increasing SEP share also came up. While U.S. politicians are consistent in terms of viewing China's role as that of an implementer--conveniently ignoring the innovation that comes out of China--the EU contradicts itself by justifying an attempt to devalue SEPs with China's strength in SEPs and at the same time accusing China at the WTO level of weakening SEP enforcement.

Sen. Coons went on to criticize the EU proposal for the very opposite reason (Chinese implementers' interests) that EU commissioner Thierry Breton gave when he presented the legislative measure (Chinese SEP holders' strength):

"I have real concerns about the European Commission's new SEP regulations, which I understand are set to publish today. And if it goes in a certain direction, that resolution will just validate China's abuse of royalty setting practices and harm our patent owners. There may be room to engage with the European Commission to discuss the unintended, let's hope, consequences of their regulation. I just wondered what your position is on this regulation and whether you'll work with me to communicate the potential harm to our global competitiveness if this is adopted by our European partners." (emphases added)

It is moderately diplomatic to suggest that the negative consequences for the U.S. are hopefully ("let's hope") not intended. Between the lines he's expressing the concern that the EU may even be implementing an anti-IP scheme that is to at least some extent designed to harm U.S. innovators.

Secretary Raimondo's response indicates that the Biden Administration essentially agrees with Sen. Coons:

"Yeah, we share your concerns. I think we very much share your concerns and I will follow up with you. I had a team in Brussels last week expressing our concerns. And I'll be in Sweden in a few weeks for the US-EU Trade and Technology Council. I will put this in our discussion. So, we should get together before that."

Thanks to that hearing transcript, we now know that

  • the U.S. government has concerns over the proposed EU SEP regulation's negative impact on patent holders,

  • U.S. diplomats relayed those concerns to the EU (presumably the Commission, but at some point they may also talk to other EU institutions), and

  • the EU-US Trade and Technology Council will meet soon (in LuleĆ„, Sweden, on May 30th and 31st), on which occasion the U.S. will bring up the proposed SEP regulation as an issue that has negative implications for the transatlantic partnership.

Later today there'll be an official presentation of two studies commissioned by the EC's Directorate-General for the Internal Market (DG GROW). I've already mentioned that three of the companies on whose input the EC primarily relied upon are actually conflicted (one because of advocacy of implementers' interests, and the other two because they just want to grow their patent data services business). The positions taken by the current U.S. government, the chair of the U.S. Senate's IP subcommittee, and previously by former U.S. government officials (Republicans and Democrats alike) suggest that whoever was working on the proposal never cared to clarify beforehand how the most important trading partner would react. In 2020, China overtook the U.S. as the EU's largest trading partner for goods, but "when services and investment are taken into account, the US remains the EU’s largest trading partner by far."

Wednesday, December 21, 2022

The Open App Markets Act is dead, long live the Open App Markets Act

The United States Congress has practically concluded its 117th term without passing the Open App Markets Act (OAMA) into law. But one of the key sponsors of the bill--Senator Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.)--has vowed to reintroduce it during the next term and that he and his sponsors would "redouble" their efforts:

The other key sponsors in the Senate are Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.) and Sen. Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.), but they haven't tweeted about the failure of the OAMA and the American Innovation and Choice Online Act (AICOA) yet. Another tweet that I would like to show is from CNN's Jake Tapper:

There's some in-depth analysis out there of the nine-figure lobbying spend (mostly by Apple and Google) that got the OAMA blocked at this stage. Let me refer you to Techmeme for that. It is also a fact that astroturfing played a role. The Cash & Carry Industry Association--which calls itself Computer & Communications Industry Association, falsely claims to advocate open markets (in reality, they're just about protecting monopolies and enabling monopoly abuse), and has been officially accused of astroturfing by EU politicians--was particularly active: it is backed by Apple, Google, and Meta (which is in favor of open app markets, but not of the AICOA).

While I am in favor of the OAMA, I can see why some high-ranking politicians blocked a bill that actually came out of committee with overwhelming support (20-2). I don't want to engage in "(Majority Leader) Schumer-bashing" here. In the patent policy context I've seen how unprincipled he is: he wrote a letter trying to the influence the ITC in favor of a Kodak patent enforcement action (at a time when Kodak was simply a non-practicing entity) while pushing for legislation to protect other New York companies--i.e., banks--from NPE litigation. But politicians at that level usually can't be principled: they have to make tactical choices.

The decision to table the bill (for the British English speakers among my readers, I mean the term the way it is used in America, which is the opposite of how you define it) is somewhat understandable:

  • The EU's Digital Markets Act (DMA) won't actually impact the market until 2024 at the earliest (with a potential for litigation having a dilatory effect). If the OAMA had been voted on this month, it would likely have open up mobile app stores in the U.S. even before anything would really change in Europe. (Apple's App Store business is relatively small in Europe compared to the U.S., due to market share, purchasing power, and other factors.)

  • The Ninth Circuit is working on its Epic Games v. Apple appellate opinion, and while I know that many other observers believe Epic's appeal will be rejected due to a failure of proof, I got the impression that the appeals court is aware of the district court not having gotten the market definition right. In any event, that case won't be over after the Ninth Circuit panel opinion. We'll likely see a petition for an en banc rehearing and ultimately a cert petition.

  • The DOJ supports Epic, but may also bring its own case against Apple. The DOJ could bring that case anytime now, even before the Ninth Circuit panel has spoken, but it may also await the panel opinion in order to optimize its complaint accordingly.

As an app developer who is much more concerned about the app review tyranny than the app tax (though the latter is also unacceptable), I'm obviously disappointed about the OAMA not having come to fruition yet. But many roads lead to Rome, and 2023 is another year.

Sen. Blumenthal says he and his allies in Congress will "redouble" their work. That also applies to the companies pushing for the OAMA, and their organizations, above all the Coalition for App Fairness (CAF). On Twitter and LinkedIn, I often like and share the CAF's posts, though--to be honest--I sometimes find them repetitive. The CAF must get bigger and better. The problem with getting other companies involved in the fight is, of course, that too many are afraid of the two tyrants, especially of Apple. But possibly there are some companies that are truly suffering under the app story tyranny and thought they could stay on the best possible terms with the dictatorship, politically free-riding on other companies' efforts and courage to fight the good fight. Maybe some of the free-riders and cowards will now determine that they should play a more active role next time, or change won't happen.

I'm also disappointed that it often feels like there are only two people calling out those astroturfers: Epic Games CEO Sweeney, and yours truly. (To be fair, before I first called out ACT, NY-based attorney David Cohen had already done so on his KidonIP blog, but with a focus on patent policy as opposed to app store issues; and Bloomberg's Emily Birnbaum exposed ACT more than any of us did, but she's a neutral reporter and we need more anti-astroturfing activism.)

The Verge's Alex Heath interviewed Mr. Sweeney earlier this month. Strongly recommended. He's definitely not going to give up. I don't agree with Epic 100% of the time, but easily 80%, if not 90%. With more Epics, Apple and Google would lose this. And I do view Spotify's efforts more favorably now. It was reported in some media that Spotify founder Daniel Ek met with EU antitrust chief Margrethe Vestager a few months ago. A DG COMP ruling against Apple--provided that it's not too narrowly focused on the music streaming market--would be a huge milestone. But while Mr. Sweeney's criticism of the mobile app store mess is comprehensive and multi-faceted, I'd like to see such companies as Spotify and Match Group (Tinder)--the other key CAF founders--to tackle the problem from more angles as well.

I also believe that those advocating open app markets could do a better job explaining to journalists--and it shouldn't be hard when you look at the impact of App Tracking Transparency (ATT)--why we're effectively also fighting for their interests.

Some argue that a Republican House majority would make it hard or even impossible to bring back the OAMA. I don't think so. There are various ways in which it could still work, but those in favor of open app markets must get smarter and better. There's no denying that it's harder to build consensus between a Democratic majority in the Senate and a GOP majority in the House of Representatives.

Just learn your lessons from what didn't work out during this Congressional term and why, and then the OAMA may come back with a vengeance, either in 2023 or after the EU's DMA and the UK's DMU have made an actual impact and delivered proof that neither the security sky nor the privacy sky will fall if you allow third-party app stores and direct installs (aka "sideloading").

Friday, September 23, 2022

Senator Mike Lee is the lone voice of antitrust reason: allowing cartels (through the Journalism Competition and Preservation Act) is the wrong way to tackle a market-failure problem

Here's a perfect example of conflicting goals. There are three alternative ways to look at the Journalism Competition Preservation Act (JCPA) that just passed a vote in the Senate Judiciary Committee with overwhelming support (15-7), but still has miles to go before it will become enacted by both houses of Congress. Each of those alternative takes on the current version of the bill aims at a laudable goal, and is espoused by a different one of my favorite three United States Senators:

  • Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.), to whom the app developer community (of which I am a member) is indebted for her tireless efforts to combat app store abuse, says the bill will "save local journalism" by "allow[ing] news organizations to jointly negotiate fair terms for access to their content by Google, Facebook, and other dominant platforms."

    Her concerns over "dominant online platforms’ power over news organizations" are well-founded.

  • Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Tex.) celebrates his personal achievement: he secured "secured significant protections against Big Tech censorship with an amendment to the [JCPA]." That safeguard "not only protects the content of the journalists whose outlets may be negotiating with Big Tech but it critically protects the speech of journalists and smaller media outlets who don’t have a seat at the table." It is indeed "a major win for free speech and it strikes a blow against the virtual monopoly that Big Tech has to limit the information that Americans see online." This is the Section 230-centric perspective. For app developers and others interested in fair competition in technology markets, some Republicans' focus on free speech actually paves the way for legislative as well as judicial decisions that will have very positive effects and that the GOP's antitrust skeptics of yore would have been sure to fight tooth and nail.

  • But there is an undeniable structural issue here that anyone with a principled perspective on competition enforcement must be worried about: cartels are a serious antitrust violation, not an appropriate remedy. Senator Mike Lee (R-Utah) states it very well in a video (excerpts from his Senate speech) he embedded into the following tweet:

As Senator Lee reminds us, there are--except when you pass legislation like the JCPA in its current form--even criminal consequences for creating cartels. About a year ago, Qualcomm's Fabian Gonnell remarked at an automotive patent licensing conference that everyone involved in a joint licensing negotiation group (over standard-essential patent royalties) should go to jail. This blog has consistently opposed licensee negotiation groups for well over a year, and was referenced in Acer's patent infringement against Volkswagen in the Eastern District of Virginia.

That's why I find it disconcerting to read in Senator Klobuchar's press release that the JCPA in its current form would "[e]mpower eligible digital journalism providers—that is, news publishers with fewer than 1,500 exclusive full-time employees and non-network news broadcasters that engage in standard newsgathering practices—to form joint negotiation entities to collectively negotiate with a covered platform over the terms and conditions of the covered platform’s access to digital news content."

There is, of course, at least one fundamental difference between automotive licensing negotiation groups (LNGs) and what the current JCPA envisions: in the car industry, they want the big guys to form cartels, like Volkswagen, Toyota, or Ford. With the JCPA, there is at least a limitation to smaller publishers ("fewer than 1,500 exclusive full-time employees"). I've previously said that I might view a joint licensing effort by a few small IoT startups differently than a VW-Toyota-Ford cartel--but only because of the threshold (market share of 15%) that already exists under EU competition law.

To allow cartels in order to redress an alleged or actual market imbalance sets a terrible precedent. Two wrongs don't make a right--and the second wrong that you condone in order to deal with the first will haunt you in other fields.

Getting Google to pay for links is quite a challenge. After the EU's 2019 copyright reform bill, Google initially just stopped displaying snippets and linking to publishers unless they waived their rights--but they need the traffic that Google generates. The French antitrust authority then fined Google, and Google quietly gave up on its appeal.

There must be a better solution, but this is is not the place to discuss alternative approaches. Legalizing cartels is not the answer, as a matter of principle. One can have more sympathy for a small local newspaper than for Google--frankly, that's easy--but still warn against an ill-conceived approach that legalizes cartels. As does Senator Lee. Thankfully so.

Tuesday, March 15, 2022

'Defending American Courts Act' presently looks more like PR stunt than serious and well-thought-out legislative proposal to combat foreign interference in U.S. patent enforcement

The "Defending American Courts Act" is by far and away the lowest-quality piece of work I've ever seen from U.S. lawmakers in an IP context. It's so poorly done that even if one totally agreed, for the sake of the argument, with its sponsors' objective as laid out in that jingoistic press release, it still wouldn't make sense. That is remarkable.

The world definitely has a problem with standard-essential patent (SEP) rulings that encroach on other jurisdictions. Patents are meant to be territorial rights, strictly country-by-country (with the upcoming Unitary Patent treating the EU's Single Market as a country), but SEPs involve questions under contract and/or antitrust law. Contracts, or even just offers to enter into contracts, can have global scope, and relevant antitrust markets or determinations on whether a party's conduct was fair can be global, too.

I discussed the problem of extraterritorial overreach last May and published the slide deck I used for my contribution to a European Commission webinar on SEP enforcement.

So I'm definitely not a denier--I just advocate symmetry and rationality. It's key to understand that some extraterritorial decisions are actually just a reaction to what previously went wrong in other places. Also I've consistently praised the restraint that American courts exercise: if one party declines to be bound by a global FRAND rate-setting decision, they don't force it into such a license agreement; and even if both parties ask a U.S. court to set a global rate for them, U.S. courts don't necessarily devote time to such an effort.

The EU is complaining about Chinese antisuit injunctions. Its pending request for consultations, which is a complaint by any other name, is soon going to be put before a WTO Dispute Settlement Body (DSB) panel as it's a given that the EU won't be satisfied with China's response no matter the content. The United States could advocate its approach--being the last major jurisdiction not to force SEP holders or implementers into global license agreement--at the WTO level and/or through bilateral talks. If everyone exercised the same restraint as American courts, there wouldn't be a problem left to be solved by the proposed bill. There would be no more global rate-setting decisions in China, no more UK patent injunctions that become enforceable unless a defendant takes a license on court-ordered terms, no more German patent injunctions that come down because all that an implementer is prepared to do to avoid a German sales ban is to take a license to the German part of a given SEP portfolio.

To be fair, SEP holders do have a point when they argue that negotiated license agreements are almost always global, and piecemeal resolution requiring litigation in numerous jurisdictions isn't practical. That's a very valid policy concern. Hold-out is a serious issue in the technology industry, and there are implementers who would have to lose in maybe five or ten (if not more) jurisdictions before they would come to reason and finally take a global license. I'm not denying that part either.

Let's not spend too much time on the press release, which is replete with anti-Chinese rhetoric. Just one observation: Those "so-called 'anti-suit injunctions'" are not a Chinese legal innovation. The first Chinese SEP-related antisuit injunction came about a decade after the Microsoft v. Motorola antisuit injunction in the Western District of Washington that (for good reason) barred Motorola Mobility from enforcing a pair of Mannheim SEP injunctions. Maybe the concept of an antisuit injunction is part of the "American Intellectual Property" that Senators Thom Tillis (R-NC), Chris Coons (D-DE), Tom Cotton (R-AR), Mazie Hirono (D-HI), and Rick Scott (R-FL) accuse "the Chinese Community Party" of "stealing"--though America inherited it from the UK as a common law instrument.

It just doesn't come across as very sophisticated and thoroughly-researched when a press release makes it sound like China had contrived something strange and the reality is that it's part of American legal tradition.

Now let's finally turn to the proposed statute (S.3772). The plan is to add an additional § 274 to U.S. patent law (35 U.S.C.) relating to "foreign interference." It then defines "anti-suit injunction" as "an injunction issued by a foreign tribunal that purports to restrict the rights of a person to file or maintain [...] a claim of infringement of any claim of a United States patent in a tribunal of the United States [or the equivalent in the form of an ITC complaint]" as well as the related appeals. Those of you who have litigated SEP antisuit (and anti-antisuit) cases may already have noticed a major flaw: it's a narrow definition of an "anti-suit" injunction that doesn't--or at a minimum does not with sufficient clarity--cover "anti-enforcement" injunctions. For instance, the Microsoft v. Motorola antisuit injunction that Judge James Robart ordered in Seattle (and which the Ninth Circuit upheld) was not strictly an antisuit injunction: Motorola remained free to litigate the case (as it did) and to seek damages. It just wasn't able to enforce an injunction.

The language of the proposed statute refers only to "claims of infringement" but not to the enforcement of injunctive remedies. I've looked up various legal dictionaries. Cornell Law School's Legal Information Institute explains the term "claim" extremely well:

"A set of operative facts creating a right enforceable in court."

That dictionary also clarifies that "'claim' is slightly broader [than 'cause of action']," but in my understanding--please let me know via my contact form if you find evidence to the contrary--that does not mean it's a synonym for the enforcement of remedies.

The way those SEP antisuit injunctions typically work--and again, we don't have to look to China but can find examples in the U.S., especially the seminal one from Seattle--is that the enforcement of injunctive relief (as it has the potential to force someone into a global license deal, which would resolve a global dispute, thereby depriving all other courts of jurisdiction) is barred until the enjoining court has decided its case, which may then lead to a global license agreement that does away with the foreign infringement action.

Not only does the bill wrongly focus on "claim" (rather than the enforcement of remedies based on a claim) but it then also envisions the wrong sanctions--and especially sanctions that make no sense with respect to those alleged Chinese infringers. Just when you think it can't get worse...

The sanctions for someone leveraging a foreign antisuit injunction would be that:

  • § 274 (b) Civil Action Presumptions:

    • "(1) the infringement is willful when determining whether to increase damages under section 284; and

    • "(2) the action is exceptional when determining whether to award attorney fees under section 285"

  • § 274 (c) PTAB: discretionary denial of IPR petition

If we assume, for the sake of the argument, that there is a need to prevent China from stealing U.S. intellectual property, what Chinese company would really be impacted or deterred by this? Where are those Chinese companies that sell tons of smartphones and similar devices in the U.S. so that treble damages would hurt? Americans sure buy lots of China-made phones, but those are mostly iPhones...

Even if it's not about China, but say, you have a dispute between Samsung and a U.S. patent holder, it still wouldn't make sense on the bottom line. Samsung does a lot of business in the U.S., sure. So damages could be costly (though Samsung would never actually have to pay them if a foreign court meanwhile forces the patent holder into a global license agreement, which resolves the global dispute). But what would be the point in Samsung (which obtained a Chinese antisuit injunction against Ericsson about a year ago) not getting a PTAB review of the U.S. company's patents-in-suit? If the PTAB upholds those patents, great. If it doesn't, then those patents are invalid, and invalid patents aren't property. But Samsung would also do U.S. defendants a favor by eliminating patents that shouldn't have issued in the first place. Samsung and Ericsson settled quickly, but Apple is now actually recycling Samsung's 2021 PTAB petitions.

A few constructive suggestions:

  • Instead of taking ill-conceived unilateral action through legislation, U.S. Senators should have more confidence in their country's courts. In this context, U.S. judges are probably in a better position to come up with solutions than the legislature. For example, Judge Rodney Gilstrap in the Eastern District of Texas granted Ericsson an anti-antisuit injunction against Samsung's Chinese antisuit injunction. It was appealed to the Federal Circuit, but then they settled.

  • As I said further above, the U.S. does stand on higher ground with respect to extraterritorial patent rulings. Its antisuit injunctions come down only in exceptional cases (and interestingly, Chinese courts perform a multifactorial analysis that is far more similar to the U.S. approach than what you see in the UK or Germany). With the EU and China having a WTO dispute over the issue, the United States could and in my view should call on all other jurisdictions (including the EU and the UK) to refrain from patent rulings, including patent injunctions, that effectively force one party or the other to take a global license.

  • If you want to enact a Defending American Courts Act, just make it easy--or, in fact, mandatory--for American courts to decline to recognize unilaterally-imposed global patent license agreements with respect to U.S. patents. If a UK court forces Apple to take a global portfolio license, a German court threatens to enjoin Ford unless it caves to a SEP holders demands on a global basis, or a Chinese court orders a patent holder like Dolby at an implementer's request to grant a global portfolio license--just don't recognize the U.S. part of those contracts. Let the patentee enforce those U.S. patents as if that foreign-imposed contract didn't exist in the first place, or let the implementer (such as an Apple) ask a U.S. court to set a FRAND rate for the U.S. part of the portfolio and potentially seek a refund if the foreign-imposed license agreement requires the implementer to overpay. If in the next step a party avails itself of the foreign court to impose contempt sanctions on the other party only because it wants American courts to rule on U.S. patents, the sanctions in the U.S. should be draconian so they truly deter bad behavior.

However, if it's a mid-term election year and you just want to fire some cheap shots at China, the current legislative proposal may be good enough. But only if the objective has nothing or very little to do with actually defending American courts' jurisdiction over U.S. patents.

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Thursday, August 12, 2021

Could a GPL-style contribute-back clause be a reasonable compromise between Apple's walled garden and the Open App Markets Act?

It is interesting to watch how legislative initiatives, antitrust investigations, and litigation reinforce each other. Yesterday's announcement of the Open App Markets Act proposal by a bipartisan group of United States Senators marks a tipping point. It now seems rather unlikely that Apple can maintain its App Store monopoly on iOS. App store diversity is coming.

Apple may still be in a state of denial, and it can hire every lobbyist in DC and Brussels and elsewhere who isn't already working for its adversaries, but the time may have come to think about whether a reasonable compromise is possible.

I'm as independent as an Apple critic and complainant can be, and have recently remigrated to Android, which is the "lesser evil" in terms of the platform maker's control. I wrote my own antitrust complaints and my replies to Apple's (and Google's) responsive filings--every single word. When it comes to patent disputes, I've been sympathetic to Apple's desire for differentiation and to a certain attitude that could be described as exceptionalism. I do, however, draw the line where Apple denies app developers like me certain liberties that I believe are essential and very much in the interest of consumers.

On the one hand, I reject any arguments by Apple that come down to saying that its customers make the choice to deprive themselves of certain choices (such as access to apps not approved by Apple) and that this kind of choice deserves to be protected to the detriment of app developes and of all those Apple users who actually want more flexibility. Among one billion iOS users worldwide, there must be a diversity of views and positions. Even if they had only 1,000 and not 1,000,000,000 users, they wouldn't all share the same values and preferences.

On the other hand, it can't be reasonably denied that the Open App Markets Act in its proposed form would make the iOS app ecosystem less distinguishable from Android. In the end there would be cross-platform app stores, which would minimize switching costs (a consumer benefit) but further blur the distinction between the operating systems.

I don't claim to have the definitive answer, but I do wish to toss out an idea now: a GP-style reciprocity ("contribute back") clause in Apple's future IP license agreements with app developers.

Let me first describe what the net effect would be from a consumer's point of view:

  • There would be more app stores than Apple's App Store.

  • It's possible that competing app stores would undercut Apple's prices and/or outperform Apple on app curation.

  • Some third-party app stores might do a better job serving a particular audience, such as gamers. That's called specialization.

  • Still, under my proposed approach those who are religious about Apple's product philosophy--or simply trust no one as much as they do Apple--would find an Apple-aligned version of every app, except for apps that provide content or functionality Apple categorically disallows, on the App Store. As long as they don't install anything from other app stores, those users could continue to live in Apple's walled garden like before. By choice.

    There are people who don't trust a lot of companies. They are the ones who'd rather buy a new battery for their radio-based car key from an official Mercedes dealership than go to the next Best Buy and get a battery of the same quality at a fraction of the cost. And there are others who subscribe to a philosophy. I want freedom for app developers and users, but I don't want to deprive people of an "all in on Apple" type of choice.

Now some people may wonder how this "best of both worlds" situation could be achieved, given that

  • competing app stores would normally have an incentive to enter into exclusive deals with app makers,

  • some makers of extremely popular apps might leverage those titles to grow their own app stores, and

  • some app developers might for whatever other reason (or just laziness) decide not to submit their apps to the App Store, but only to others (like itch.io).

The answer is a reasonable "contribute-back" obligation that Apple could impose by means of an intellectual property license.

Reciprocity clauses are found in the GPL (GNU General Public License), which is called a "copyleft" license for that reason and known for Linux (the technical basis of Android) and MySQL/MariaDB, and in the versions of the Creative Commons license that come with the "Share Alike" requirement. Those contractual structures have one key objective: whoever incorporates material into their own works under such a license should have to respect those values not only by lip service but also by contributing back to that values-based community the derivative work.

The GPL doesn't prohibit dual licensing. A long time ago I was an adviser to MySQL's CEO, and that company held all the copyrights (which no single entity does in the case of Linux), so they offered it to the whole world for free under the GPL--with the copyleft string attached--or, if you made a deal with them and paid license fees, you could incorporate it into your own products as a software component without having to publish your source code and allow free downloads.

What I'm proposing here for the iOS app ecosystem bears a strong resemblance to "copyleft" and to dual licensing:

  • App developers would be free to submit a given app to as many iOS app stores as they please.

  • Apple would not "tax" developers' revenues generated via other app stores. (A reasonable developer program fee is not what I mean by "tax.")

  • The values-centric "contribute back" clause, however, would impose an obligation on developers to simultaneously--and in good faith--submit their app to the App Store.

    The only exception would be if an app would undoubtedly be rejected by Apple (for example, certain types of adult content). In that case, a submission to Apple would just waste everyone's time.

    Note that there would be no requirement for the app to be actually approved by Apple before other app stores could carry it. It would be submitted to all stores near-simultaneously (such as on the same day). The requirement is just to submit it in good faith.

  • "In good faith" means that the App Store version of an app would have to be reasonably compliant. For example, if Apple insists on ad tracking ("ATT"), then a submission that flagrantly and unnecessarily violates that rule would have to be considered a bad-faith submission.

This way, competitive constraints would discipline Apple in many ways. If users found the App Store too expensive, or if Apple rejected too many apps that are worth publishing, or if others made themselves a name by outperforming Apple on curation quality, that could reduce Apple's app market share. The number one issue that Judge Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers raised on the last day of the recent Epic Games v. Apple trial is that Apple may compete for end users, but doesn't have to compete for developers. That's why app store diversity is needed. But a "contribute back" requirement to preserve Apple's differentiation and exceptionalism isn't antithetical to competition--and it means more choice, not less, for consumers.

I believe it would be fair to require developers not to charge more for themselves on Apple's App Store than on others. Developers should just say how much they want, and then the different app stores will add their margins on top. (When I do consulting for financial investors through expert networks, it works that way and I don't even know what the markup is.)

To the extent that Apple dissuades end users from granting that ATT permission, apps should be allowed to give users the choice to either enable ad tracking (particularly with a view to rewarded ads, which are key to ad-based games business models) or pay for certain goodies.

Then there's the question of how easy it should be for users to switch from one app store to another if they wish to use a given app on a different app store's terms. For example, they might download a game from Apple's App Store first, but later have an incentive (such as lower IAP prices) to continue playing that game, but redownload it from a rival app store. One would have to think this through, but where there is a will, there is a way. Consumers should have that choice--and app developers should have the right to inform them of the potential benefits, for the sake of having a serious competitive constraint.

Could there be functional differences? Yes. If Apple disallowed something that other app stores permit, there might be additional features once users download an app from another app store. This goes both ways, of course.

Is this going to happen? I'll be perfectly honest: I think the two sides of the debate are so entrenched that in the end there'll be a winning camp and a losing one instead of a win-win-win-win (Apple, developers, consumers who are totally Apple-aligned, and consumers who are not absolutely loyal to Apple). But at least I wanted to outline my thinking, now that Apple may really begin to think about how to mitigate the damage.

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Saturday, May 1, 2021

Apple raised its effective App Store commission rate in certain geographic markets to (respectively) 31.4%, 32.1%, and 35.25% in September

After this post, I'll (have to) take a break from blogging about App Store antitrust matters for a few weeks or maybe even months, as I'll explain further below. Before I do that, I'm going to share several thoughts and pieces of information in this post. You can click on any of the links below to go straight to the part you're most interested in:

  1. Effective App Store commission ("App Store tax") rate peaks at 35.25% (plus annual developer program fee plus Search Ads) -- a relative increase by 17.5%

  2. IP-related issues surrounding web apps

  3. Recent United States Senate hearing: mixed blessing for Epic's case

  4. Statement of Objections from the European Commission's Directorate-General for Competition (DG COMP) in the investigation instigated by Spotify

  5. Taking a break from commenting on app store antitrust cases

 

1. Effective App Store commission ("App Store tax") rate peaks at 35.25% (plus annual developer program fee plus Search Ads) -- a relative increase by 17.5%

In its proposed findings of fact and conclusions of law, Epic Games debunks Apple's claim that it has not been able to increase (or even maintain) its App Store commission rate due to competitive constraints (though in reality any reductions were motivated by antitrust-related reasons):

"92. Moreover, contrary to its claims, Apple has repeatedly increased prices after developers and consumers were locked in, including by requiring use of Apple’s IAP to process payments for in-app digital content (2009); requiring IAP for subscriptions (2011); and charging developers for search ads (2016). (Findings of Fact ¶¶ 23, 123.)"

The ability to increase prices without losing market share is characteristic of a monopolist. Sometimes, monopolies are identifiable just on that basis. In those cases where a monopolist could have increased prices, but did not do so, a SSNIP test is performed by economists on a hypothetical basis (such as by conducting a survey): Small but Significant Non-transitory Increase in Price. Generally, "small but significant" means 5%-10%, and plaintiffs often argue that they can establish even greater market power than what it takes to command a 10% increase.

Epic's examples all make sense. It's true that Apple extended the scope of applicability of the 30% commission (the Small Business Program just came recently for antitrust reasons and has nothing to do with market dynamics whatsoever) to other types of payments, as the testimony in this case confirms. Search Ads are indeed another indirect price increase, as many app developers pay for the discoverability of their apps on the App Store by promoting their apps above the organic search results that may favor a competitor--which in turn often forces the affected competitor to place Search Ads only to maintain the top spot.

But Epic's list of de facto price increases is not even exhaustive. (Can't blame them as they need to focus and Apple's sophisticated tactics raise so many issues.)

The FT's Tim Bradshaw highlighted another problem in September:

At around the same time, other people commented on it as well, and one website had to backtrack because they made it sound like Apple passed 100% of those digital services taxes on to developers. There should have been much more outrage, and in some jurisdictions developers could even have brought complaints over this particular issue. But it went almost unnoticed, probably because too few people--if any--thought it through in every detail.

Once one has thought it through, it's crystal clear: many (if not most or even all) third-party developers end up having to pay digital services taxes ("DST") only because of Apple's tying (of the payment system to the App Store as the only access route to iOS users), and wouldn't owe those taxes otherwise.

In Turkey, DST is 7.5%; in France and Italy, 3%; and in the UK, 2%. More countries will follow. In fact, President Biden is open to a global agreement on DST.

Apple treats DST like VAT (Value Added Tax) or sales tax (which is simply the same when it comes to a business-to-consumer transaction), which belongs to neither Apple nor developers, and subtracts both VAT and DST from what customers pay before splitting the income with developers. It appears that most people haven't figured out yet why that is inappropriate, unfair, and indicative of Apple's market power:

  • VAT is a concept that's about 100 years old, while DST wasn't even foreseeable when the original App Store terms were set in 2008.

  • VAT is charged on broadly defined product and service categories (such as having one rate for food, another for non-food), while DST relates to narrowly defined types of services, such as app stores and online advertising. Typically, DST does not apply to games, so even Epic's Fortnite would not be affected if they could just use a payment service of their choosing for in-app purchases.

  • The thresholds for DST are extremely high, while countries exempt companies from VAT only if their sales are below negligible de minimis thresholds. The whole idea of DST is to tax only large and rich digital gatekeepers, which is why lawmakers always "gerrymander" the thresholds. DST typically comes with a global and a domestic threshold, and applies only to those who meet both, with "local heroes" typically failing to meet the global one.

  • While both VAT and DST are charged as a percentage of sales, VAT is a consumption tax and DST is meant to be a tax on (huge) profits.

  • Therefore, VAT is meant to be ultimately paid by consumers (as an indirect tax), while DST should be paid by "GAFA" (Google, Apple, Facebook, Amazon).

Australia is a special case: it applies VAT (called "Goods and Services Tax" (GST) down under) to digital services (not just specific types of marketplaces), with a threshold of A$75,000. There are probably some developers who do not benefit from Apple's Small Business Program (worldwide revenues in excess of 1 million), but wouldn't have to charge VAT in Australia.

The situation in Turkey is different from that in France, Italy, and the UK because Apple raised consumer prices accordingly. But that doesn't mean the effective commission rate didn't increase as well--and just delivers additional proof of Apple's market power over consumers even in a market with a low iOS market share compared to Android.

If we focus--for simplicity's sake--just on the four DST jurisdictions I've already mentioned (with a combined population of roughly a quarter billion people), and on the period before Apple's Small Business Program, this means Apple raised its App Store tax to 35.25% in Turkey (30% + (70% times 7.5%)), a relative increase of 17.5% (way above the SSNIP range); to 32.1% in France and Italy (relative increase: 7%, about the middle of the typical SSNIP range); and 31.5% in the UK (relative increase: 4.67%, pretty close to the lower end of the SSNIP range.

Apple makes things look "equitable" by deducting DST, then splitting the remainder. But there are three arguments against it, any single one of which is reason enough for Apple to internalize 100% of DST:

  1. Contractual: DST wasn't foreseeable when Apple set its original App Store terms (i.e., at a time when Apple claims it didn't have market power).

  2. Policy (legislative intent): Lawmakers wanted "GAFA" companies to internalize those taxes. For example, the UK government says:

    "The measure is expected to have an impact on a small number of large multinational groups by bringing into scope of Digital Services Tax the proportion of their revenue that is derived from UK users of social media, search engines or online marketplaces." (emphases added)

    Could lawmakers have worded their DST laws more clearly to achieve that effect? Well, even if they had done a better job, companies with market power would always find a way to offload that tax burden onto those who are dependent on them, or on consumers (as Apple did in Turkey), so even the best DST law wouldn't work without effective competition enforcement.

  3. Liability: The simplest and therefore strongest point is that even Epic wouldn't pay DST on Fortnite revenues in a jurisdiction that applies it to marketplaces such as app stores if not for the mandatory honor to use Apple's payment system.

The extent to which a given developer is impacted by that de facto commission hike varies greatly. Developers who generate all or almost all of their sales in non-DST jurisdictions are not affected for the time being, though DST is getting adopted in ever more places. On the other end of the spectrum there are companies that generate all or almost all of their IAP revenues in a country like Turkey or the UK, be it because the functionality and/or content of their apps is of interest only to customers in those target markets or because they just happened to get more traction there.

To sum it up, the effective App Store tax that a developer pays on a particular IAP transaction is the percentage of ex-VAT (and ex-sales-tax) proceeds from users that the developer would additionally keep if it could charge end users directly. Apple clearly has the power to increase that rate to developers' detriment.

2. IP issues surrounding web apps

In a recent post I mentioned one of Apple's least convincing claims, which is that native IOS apps (the ones you download from the App Store) face competition from an alternative called web apps (or sometimes "progressive web apps").

While Apple's defenses against Epic are partly based on Apple wanting to be free to commercialize its intellectual property rights (in a transparent attempt to match the FTC v. Qualcomm pattern), the suggestion that developers could offer web apps instead of native apps shows that Apple has very little respect for developers' IP. Epic's proposed findings of fact and conclusions of law explain various shortcomings of web apps. I'd just like to add a couple of IP-related ones, and a commercial one, that I couldn't find in the publicly accessible part of the record:

  • Web apps are like "open source" software: you get highly human-readable code in a scripting language. Obfuscation would be theoretically possible, but practically one couldn't afford it because it would reduce the performance and bloat the file size. Web apps already start slowly because they need to be downloaded every time they're used, and if obfuscation icnreases the file size, it takes even longer.

    In theory, anything can be reverse-engineered. In practice, native apps are hugely more time-consuming to reverse-engineer.

    The IP issue facing developers is that if you essentially publish your source code, others can easily infringe your copyright, and you give up your trade secrets. The protection of software source code by trade secret was actually the only IP protection prior to the extension of copyright law to software (and software patents came even later).

  • There's also a defensive problem: source code is easily inspected, so web apps make it easy for "patent trolls" to identify targets for their infringement allegations (whether or not those would have merit).

  • The non-IP issue I wanted to raise is that--at least when I checked a few months ago--major ad networks don't support in-app advertising on a WebGL/HTML5 basis. One can display ads outside of a window in which a WebGL app runs, but that causes other problems. Also, developers can partner with web game aggregators/portals that provide APIs and sell the ad space, but then a game must be published on those third-party sites and we're no longer talking about a web app with an icon on the home screen.

3. Recent United States Senate hearing: mixed blessing for Epic's case

Last week, the Subcomittee for Competition Policy, Antitrust, and Consumer Rights of the United States Senate held a hearing on app store competition issues. There was strong bipartisan support for combating the abuse of mobile app store monopolies. From the far left (by Senate standards) to the far right (again, by Senate standards), senators are sympathetic to developers' concerns.

Apple didn't like it at all that the hearing was going to take place so close in time to the Epic Games v. Apple trial, but ultimately provided a witness.

In some ways, maybe even in many ways, that hearing was really great for Epic's purposes. But there is a potential downside:

Senator Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.) seeks not only to overhaul U.S. antitrust law in general but also to enact some app-specific legislation, and her position is that current U.S. antitrust law (in the combination of the statutes and how the courts interpret them) is too weak to address this issue. Epic's partners in the Coalition for App Fairness, particularly Spotify, strongly agreed with her. Sen. Klobuchar had previously lamented the state of affairs of U.S. antitrust case law in Justice Amy Coney Barrett's confirmation hearing.

Spotify's written testimony (PDF) also calls on lawmakers to "enact targeted prohibitions that will stop abusive conduct by app stores." This is a typical case of conflicting goals: you obviously can't ask for new legislation and praise existing legislation as being suitable-to-task.

It would have been preferable for the app developers who testified on that occasion to state clearly that they believe Epic is going to win its case against Apple, but any litigation comes with risks and new legislation might provide a faster solution, especially with respect to Google (Epic's case against Google is trailing far behind the Apple case). Some of what was said by the #1 antitrust expert in the Senate as well as by certain witnesses could be interpreted as expressing doubts concerning Epic's chances in court against the major mobile app store operators.

It's a typical defense not only in antitrust cases to say that a plaintiff should "direct to Congress" certain complaints or concerns. Sometimes courts say so in their written opinions. There is a risk here that the judiciary will effectively refer Epic to the Capitol.

4. Statement of Objections from the European Commission's Directorate-General for Competition (DG COMP) in the investigation instigated by Spotify

It's great news that the European Commission's DG COMP yesterday announced its Statement of Objections (SO) against Apple's App Store rules for music streaming providers, further to a complaint brought by Spotify. While the scope of that particular investigation and the market definition used in that case are relatively narrow, there can be no doubt about the Commission's--and particularly Executive Vice President Margrethe Vestager's--determination to address app store issues beyond just music streaming.

The timing of that announcement added insult to injury: precisely the work day before the start of the Epic Games v. Apple trial. It's like a pretrial amicus curiae brief.

I recommend this analysis on the Platform Law Blog. Dimitrios Katsifis of Geradin Partners explains the progress this represents as well as its limitations, and encourages additional action by national competition authorities.

While Mr. Katisfis makes strong points, I actually think it is a smart strategy by the Commission to tackle the app store problem step by step, cracking one nut at a time and gradually expanding the scope of the case law. Piecemeal tactics and progressive approaches have worked in similar contexts (such as the enforcement of the GPL free and open source software license).

5. Taking a break from commenting on app store antitrust cases

Originally I intended to follow the Epic Games v. Apple bench trial by telephone (I got the dial-in number for journalists). If the day had 34 hours, not 24, I'd still do it. But it's difficult for me to set my priorities for this month with all that's going on.

I don't want to write too much about my own complaints against Apple and Google, but suffice it to say that there is a competition enforcement agency that originally gave me six weeks to reply to Apple's response to my complaint, and in order to be able to obtain relevant data from some recent filings, I requested (and was thankfully granted) a two-week extension until May 10. At the same time, there are some things going on with respect to standard-essential patents that require my attention in the coming weeks.

The Epic v. Apple trial would be fascinating to follow in some ways, but ultimately the decision will be made by the Supreme Court, which is almost certain to hear the case (and if not, then by the Ninth Circuit, but not by the trial court).

Judge Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers said at a recent pretrial conference that there won't be any surprises: the parties have already told the court what they believe their strongest legal arguments and facts are. Now it's about whether they can deliver proof.

If Epic wins, which I hope it will though I'm not going to make a prediction at this stage, it will help the developer community at large. I really feel that Epic's sacrifice for this cause would deserve a lot more credit, but that's another story.

The hurdle is very, very high (see the section on the Senate hearing). Epic made a rather ambitious jurisdictional choice. If I were in their shoes, I'd have sued in Europe, especially the largest European market (Germany), where Google's market share is so high that market definition can be won very easily--and both statutory and case law are far more favorable. But Epic wanted to go straight for the grand prize. They are trying to succeed on Broadway or in Hollywood on the first attempt. Should Apple be let off the hook in the U.S., it won't mean that Epic was wrong nor is it likely that one could blame Epic's second-to-none lawyers. One would have to attribute it to what Sen. Klobuchar said at Justice Barrett's confirmation hearing about the U.S. theoretically having broad antitrust statutes that the courts apply very narrowly.

Epic has the stronger arguments. Apple has little more than pretext to offer, and its relatively strongest point is that other digital app stores also charge 30%, though the reduction from 30% to 12% of the commission charged by the Microsoft Store shows that competition works wonders. Apple is going to basically equate the iPhone to the Xbox, despite several fundamental differences in usage patterns and the availability of other computing devices (where there is an Xbox, there is also a number of other gadgets, but sometimes an iPhone is the only device people carry with them). Apple will, as I mentioned further above, try to match the Qualcomm pattern (not their words, but basically saying: "we're just commercializing our IP and should be free to do so as we see fit"), and to benefit from the Supreme Court's American Express decision on two-sided markets. All of that is transparent based on the proposed findings of fact and conclusions of law.

I can't imagine any developer out there wouldn't want Epic to win. I believe they can prevail, even under U.S. antitrust law as it stands. But if Epic lost, it would be a huge mistake to consider Epic Games v. Apple to be the heart of the resistance against app store abuse. Arguably, Spotify is currently in the pole position, as the SO will almost certainly result in a Commission decision, which Apple will then appeal to the CJEU.

There'll be plenty of press coverage for you to get the key "soundbites" from that trial. I'll look at this at a later stage, possibly only when the district court hands down its judgment. My positions on this topic haven't changed, nor would they.

[Update on May 3] The start of my final pretrial Twitter thread (and likely my last Twitter commentary on the issue for about a month):

[/Update]

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Saturday, April 10, 2021

Bipartisan senators' letter to stonewalling Apple bookends week with public sentiment turning against App Store terms, policies, and practices

There was a high density of significant--mostly regulatory--developments concerning Apple's App Store policies during the first week of March. The week that is ending now is at least as important, but in a different way. It looks like the tide has turned against Apple, with more and more decision makers and opinion leaders starting to realize just how harmful Apple's abuse of its App Store monopoly is.

When Epic Games sued Apple last summer, I was glad about it in one way but skeptical in others. I was equally unconvinced of whether the subsequently founded Coalition for App Fairness could achieve its goals. By now I actually think it's a question of when, not if, the App Store monopoly will fall. I'm looking forward to the day--whenever it may finally come--when I'll be able to install apps from third-party app stores on an iPhone or iPad. Short of that option, Apple's conduct is going to create too many problems for regulators to keep up with.

Change is potentially coming from different directions. Apple (and Google, the sole ally it has in this) can put out some fires, or contain them for the time being, such as in the Arizona state legislature. But there's already far more than just a crack in the shell. It won't go quite as fast as Scrat's continental crack in the Ice Age movie, yet jurisdiction by jurisdiction, #OpentheAppStore is going to become a reality.

In the middle of the night from Wednesday to Thursday, Epic and Apple filed their proposed findings of fact and conclusions of law (see also my two other posts about those documents: redefinition of "commission", full text of requested injunction).

Pretty much all that Apple can try to accuse Epic of is having planned its "Project Liberty" since 2019 and having given one of its outside counsel an Epic email address. By contrast, Epic's filing contains so many revelations that I haven't even found the time yet to blog about all of them (I plan to discuss some of them in May in connection with trial testimony), and even my numerous tweets just provided examples of all that's wrong with the App Store, but top-notch media discovered a lot in Epic's filing and reported on it. There's a whole parade of horribles from Apple deciding not to publish an Android version of its iMessage app because it wants to lock users into its platform to an internal admission that the App Store review's contribution to security is like bringing a plastic butter knife to a gunfight. In fact, it has now been confirmed that the App Store monopoly was justa "policy" decision and Apple's security experts weren't even involved in the internal discussions. Probably the most appalling part is that Apple approved a school shooting game just two weeks after the Parkland tragedy.

In light of those developments, I tweeted the following on Friday:

A few hours later, it became known that the chairwoman of the Subcommittee on Competition Policy, Antitrust, and Consumer Rights, Senator Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.), and the subcomittee's Ranking Member, Senator Mike Lee (R-Utah), sent a letter to Apple CEO Tim Cook (PDF), basically calling on him to stop stonewalling. What had happened? There's an upcoming Senate hearing on app store competition issues this month. As a matter of audiatur et altersa pars, senators would want to talk with Apple and not just about Apple. But Apple refused to provide a witness under the pretext of pending litigation (sorry I have to the word "pretext" and the related adjective all the time in connection with Apple, but that's due to how they act). As the senators note, the Epic case was also pending when Apple sent witnesses to state legislatures (North Dakota and Arizona), and Apple gives interviews about this all the time. Tim Cook participated in a House of Representatives hearing on the same topic last year.

According to the senators, Apple was originally cooperative with the Senate Antitrust Subcommittee, and it appeared as if the only question was whom Apple was going to dispatch to DC. But then, Apple decided to decline the invitation.

Apple must be really afraid of that May trial. They obviously know that U.S. antitrust law is pretty defendant-friendly, but the App Store situation is as intolerable as it is unjustifiable. How frightened must Apple be that it would snub the United States Senate after actually testifying in the lower chamber and in state legislatures about the same issues?

Actually, whatever Apple says there under oath will have to be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth--just like whatever its witnesses have already said in their depositions in the Epic case, and whatever they will say next month in the Oakland federal courthouse.

If anything, Apple's stonewalling--which the senators' letter calls "unacceptable"--helps to build bipartisan consensus that something must be done about the problem.

In 2013, this blog already reported on a couple of occasions on which Senators Klobuchar and Lee jointly wrote letters about a serious antitrust issue: the abuse of standard-essential patents. In that context, they actually supported Apple--as did I in my modest way:

Later that year I (favorably) mentioned Sen. Klobuchar in the context of the fight against patent trolls. In 2018, I proposed that the tech industry lobby for Sen. Lee to be nominated to the Supreme Court, though I was really disappointed last month that he opposed Lina Khan's nomination to the Federal Trade Commission.

For your convenience, here's the full text of the senators' letter to Apple's CEO:

--------------------------

April 9, 2021

  

Mr. Timothy Cook
Chief Executive Officer
Apple Inc.
One Apple Park Way
Cupertino, CA 95014

  

Dear Mr. Cook:

We write regarding Apple Inc.’s refusal to provide a witness to testify in a timely manner before the Senate Judiciary Committee’s Subcommittee on Competition Policy, Antitrust, and Consumer Rights at a hearing to examine the competition issues raised by app stores.

More than half of internet traffic comes through mobile phones, whose users rely on mobile applications to access online content and services—and the vast majority of mobile apps are downloaded from either Apple’s App Store or Google’s Play Store. Apple’s power over the cost, distribution, and availability of mobile applications on the Apple devices used by millions of consumers raises serious competition issues that are of interest to the Subcommittee, consumers, and app developers. A full and fair examination of these issues before the Subcommittee requires Apple’s participation.

Apple has been aware for weeks that the Subcommittee was planning a hearing on this topic and was engaged in discussions with our staff regarding who would testify on Apple’s behalf. Yet a little more than two weeks [16 days] before the planned hearing, Apple abruptly declared that it would not provide any witness to testify at a hearing in April.

Earlier this year, Apple provided witnesses to testify before the North Dakota Senate and the Arizona House of Representatives to oppose state bills that would regulate the very same conduct that the Subcommittee intends to explore. You testified before the House Antitrust Subcommittee regarding these same issues last year. And on the exact day Apple informed the Subcommittee that it would not provide a witness for an April hearing, the New York Times released a podcast interview in which you discuss competition issues relating to Apple’s App Store, including Apple’s pending litigation with Epic Games.

Finally, your staff has noted ongoing litigation as the reason for not providing a witness this month. Many other representatives of companies, both inside and outside of the technology sector, have testified before Congress in similar circumstances, and your staff was aware of the ongoing litigation when they were initially working with us to provide a witness. Apple’s sudden change in course to refuse to provide a witness to testify before the Subcommittee on app store competition issues in April, when the company is clearly willing to discuss them in other public forums, is unacceptable.

We strongly urge Apple to reconsider its position and to provide a witness to testify before the Subcommittee in a timely manner.

Thank you for your urgent attention to this matter.

  

Sincerely,

  

[Signatures]

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Wednesday, March 10, 2021

Senator Mike Lee, of all United States Senators, opposes Lina Khan's nomination to Federal Trade Commission: but he wanted to serve on SCOTUS

For many years, Senators Ted Cruz (R-Tex.) and Mike Lee (R-Utah) were my favorite United States Senators. Maybe one or two of them will be again, after a while, but recently I've been very disappointed in them (particularly, those pictures of Senator Lee hugging people at Justice Barrett's Rose Garden presentation, and obviously Senator Cruz's CancĆŗn trip; his 1/6 speech is reasonably debatable but I don't think he can be blamed for the Capitol riots in any way).

Late on Tuesday, Senator Lee issued a statement according to which presumptive FTC nominee Lina Khan, "being less than four years out of law school, [...] lacks the experience necessary for such an important role as FTC Commissioner."

No one in the United States Senate is less credible when raising such concern over a lack of experience. He was interviewed by then-President Trump for a potential Supreme Court nomination and known to be interested in a job on the highest court in the land with zero judicial experience. I nevertheless wrote in 2018 that the tech industry should lobby Trump to nominate Sen. Lee because of his positions on standard-essential patents. So I'm not being inconsistent. But he shouldn't apply such obvious dual standards. According to Politico, he would "of course" have been interested in becoming an Associated Justice of the United States, and he was still on the list in September.

Sen. Cruz called Sen. Lee the best candidate. I hope Sen. Cruz disagrees with his friend from Utah on this nomination.

A SCOTUS decision is not appealable anymore. By contrast, if the FTC has a unilateral-conduct issue with a company, it can't even issue an appealable decision (unlike the European Commission's DG COMP), but has to sue, and then there's room for appeals.

Sen. Lee was 39 years old when he took his Senate seat. The average of United States Senators is above 60, and even the average age of new senators elected in 2018 was well over 50. There's nothing wrong with his own career path, but there's everything wrong with his criticism of Lina Khan's forthcoming nomination.

It doesn't make Sen. Lee's statement any better that on top of warning against an FTC commissioner "learning on the job" he also attacks her positions ("ideology and politics", "wildly out of step with a prudent approach to the law"). Far from being an extremist, the American Economic Liberties Project notes that "Professor Khan is the intellectual architect of the bipartisan suits against Facebook and Google" (emphasis added). Those suits were brought not just by the federal government but joined by state AGs from red and blue states alike.

If Sen. Lee is serious about reining in Big Tech, he should welcome this nomination.

If the average number of years of professional experience of all FTC commissioners was brought down to four years, or even to eight years, one might be concerned about whether they still have to learn on the job as Sen. Lee puts it (same thing if the average Associated Justice of the United States had zero judicial experience prior to nomination). One brilliant scholar, however, may very well prove to be a huge asset to the Commission, and I hope at least some Republicans concerned about Big Tech will vote to confirm her.

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Saturday, January 16, 2021

Best outcome of impeachment for development of law: Supreme Court clarifies meaning of "high" in "high crimes and misdemeanors"

After years of making pro-Trump comments (except in connection with patent policy, where a couple of his appointees did terrible things), I was shocked by the absurd positions he took on SARS-CoV-2 last year--even by utterances that weren't nearly as crazy as suggesting that one might inject disinfectants. Those who have read my comments on other issues know that I view COVID-19 as the moment of truth. Politicians who failed to do their job in that most critical context in a long time don't deserve to be supported or trusted, but I found myself in agreement with politicians I fundamentally disagreed with on other issues. Only a minority of Trump supporters has a similar set of priorities, but apparently enough for him to lose the election. While some conspiracy theorists portrayed the outcome of the mail-in vote in various places as a statistical anomaly, there actually is a simple explanation: people so afraid of COVID they'd rather vote by mail were extremely unlikely to have faith in Donald Trump. What might have been a statistical anomaly under "all other things being equal" circumstances just doesn't apply here.

Similarly, the fact that Trump held huge rallies, unlike the President-elect, doesn't tell us anything about the fairness of the election. Even under normal circumstances, rallies aren't tallies. But they do normally indicate the enthusiasm of a party base. The 2020 U.S. presidential campaign was totally different, mostly because of COVID, and secondarily because many people didn't have to be huge Biden fans in order to vote for him: this time around, even Hillary would most likely have won. And I almost feel like predicting that four years of the Biden Administration, unless his waning physical fitness requires him to step down too early, will be followed by one or two Harris terms, and I'd even predict she'll win Texas, considering some overall trends and developments, including some relocation decisions by tech companies.

The GOP will have to reinvent itself and probably won't even start that process anytime soon. A tectonic shift comparable to the one under FDR--who broadened the appeal of the Democratic Party--would be needed for a GOP candidate to be elected POTUS again. Without the Electoral College, the GOP would already have had to reposition itself on a lot of issues, as they won the popular vote in only one out of the last eight presidential elections, and who knows whether that one exception would even have happened without 9/11.

It's obviously hard to strike the right balance between giving everyone, including minorities, fair access to an election and making an election secure. Congressman Dan Crenshaw and his guests, one of whom is a University of Texas law professor, made great points about that in this podcast. Shortcomings should be addressed and I hope Democrats will be principled enough to do that in certain states. That said, there's really no reason not to assume Trump's covidiocies--and not a multi-state conspiracy to commit election fraud--cost Trump the election.

There have been credible reports of Trump being "entranced" by watching the Capitol riots on TV, a state of mind that prevented him from saying the right things in the right away-and sooner. The American system of government wasn't under serious threat for even one second, but if those reports are indeed true (all I can say is they sound credible and they're consistent with everything that is known, including the timeline), then it would even have been warranted to invoke the 25th Amendment.

The impeachment resolution by the House of Representatives isn't based on his behavior in front of his TV set in the White House, which disqualifies the person in some fundamental ways (I'm really very disappointed), yet doesn't qualify as a "high crime and misdemeanor." So the article of impeachment talks about his call with Georgia Secy. of State Brad Raffensperger as an effort to subvert the election certification process, and about incitement of an insurrection in accordance with the 14th Amendment.

Trump's defenses are obvious: he's already said the Raffensperger call was about "settlement" of pending litigation, and in his January 6 speech he used the word "peacefully" (though in that same speech he urged supporters to "fight like hell"), so there's a free-speech issue that the Supreme Court resolved in Brandenburg v. Ohio, clarifying that it's all free spech until someone incites "imminent illegal action" (but by design--"likely" to have the effect--not coincidence).

What individual Republican senators (especially the 20 who need to run for re-election next year unless they retire) consider to be best for their career remains to be seen. For their party, it would undoubtedly be best if a sufficient number of them joined Democrats and impeached Trump. Given that the sole remedy relevant after he's left office will be the disqualification from any future federal office, there is, however, the possibility of the Supreme Court hearing an appeal. And that's what I actually hope will happen, but for the sake of clarification.

As the Cornell Law School webpage explains, there are different opinions on what the "high" in Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors" means.

What would benefit Trump would be an interpretation of "high" as "very serious," as some argue that the word "other" means it must be at a level with treason and bribery. But the alternative interpretation--and that's actually the one I prefer--is that "high" in this context refers to the office of the one who committed the alleged wrongdoing, not in the sense of making anything reproachable a potential basis for impeachment, but connecting it to how someone carried out their duties as opposed to, say, a minor offense in their private life.

The line-drawing problem here is that too low a standard would give Congress too much latitude. In parliamentary democracies, such as some European countries, the head of government can be voted out of office by a parliamentary vote. The U.S. system is more presidential. And now, with all that happened on 1/6, there is a situation where the exacting standard of criminal law may not be met. Also, the fact that it's "only" about disqualification (because it's too late for removal from office) doesn't change the standard, though some commentators almost make it sound like that.

The Senate basically makes its own case law so far in presidential impeachment trials. I don't think it would be wrong for senators to vote for impeachment even if Trump's actions might be protected in a conventional criminal proceeding by rules affording settlement talks and free speech strong protection. Honestly, I would be disappointed if the Senate acquitted him because future presidents should learn a lesson even before they take office so they refrain from actions like that in the first place.

The Supreme Court can clarify what the word "high" means in this particular context. I know some don't think so, but I found arguments in favor of review more convincing, though I don't mean to say that--in more timely cases--a removal from office should be delayed that way. I hope the SCOTUS will have the last word. The judges appointed by Trump, at different levels of the judiciary, have recently shown their independence. Democrats will find it hard to trust them on this one, but I believe they should. Justice Barrett is new, but Justices Gorsuch and Kavanaugh have been serving on the SCOTUS for some time already and they're going to look at the issue, not the party. They know that whatever they decide will apply next time that a Democratic president may engage in problematic conduct. And there may now actually be a line of Democratic presidents that will be longer, possibly far longer, than many Republicans would acknowledge. Even without Trump's disgraceful fourth year in the White House, Texas was going to turn blue in the near term, as Arizona has (possibly on a lasting basis), and Puerto Rico can't be denied statehood for too much longer. One can only hope that Democratic policies won't move too far to the left...

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